In this book, Ann Gordon and Kai Hamilton Gentry expertly illuminate how the public has a role to play in ensuring its own security. Recent terror attacks and mass shootings in the United States have added urgency to the need for research on terrorism, the public's understanding of the precursors of terrorism and public preparedness for mass shootings and acts of terror. Unfortunately, most Americans do not understand what constitutes suspicious behavior or how to report it. Even more alarmingly, the public does not know what to do in the event of terrorist attack or mass casualty incident. Drawing on five years of the Chapman Survey of American Fears (CSAF), a nationally representative survey, and real-world events, Homeland InSecurity offers actionable solutions on how to educate the public to overcome fear and play an active role securing schools, public venues and the homeland itself. The book addresses proposals by survivors and victims' families to reduce violence through campaigns to deny shooters the notoriety they seek and reduce access to guns. It also explores the rise of activism among survivors of school shootings and their quest to educate the public and end school shootings. Homeland InSecurity will be essential for scholars, students, and policy makers.

This book sets out to explain the variation in nations' reactions to their defeats in war. Typically, we observe two broad reactions to defeat: an inward-oriented response that accepts defeat as a reality and utilizes it as an opportunity for a new beginning, and an outward-oriented one that rejects defeat and invests national energies in restoring what was lost-most likely by force. This volume argues that although defeats in wars are humiliating experiences, those sentiments do not necessarily trigger aggressive nationalism, empower radical parties, and create revisionist foreign policy. Post-defeat, radicalization will be actualized only if it is filtered through three variables: national self-images (inflated or realistic), political parties (strong or weak), and international opportunities and constraints. The author tests this theory on four detailed case studies, Egypt (1967), Turkey/Ottoman Empire, Hungary and Bulgaria (WWI), and Islamic fundamentalism.

This book examines the military characteristics and potential of Artificial Intelligence (AI) in the new global revolution in military affairs. Offering an original perspective on the utilization, imagination, and politics of AI in the context of military development and weapons regulation, the work provides a comprehensive response to the question of how we might reflect on the AI revolution in warfare and what can be said about the ways in which this has been handled. In the first part of the book, AI is accommodated, both theoretically and empirically, in the strategic context of the 'Revolution in Military Affairs' (RMA). The book offers a novel understanding of autonomous weapons as multi-layered composite systems, pointing to a complex, non-linear interplay between evolutionary and revolutionary dynamics. In the second section, the book provides an impartial analysis of the related politics and operations of power, whereby increases in military budgets and R&D of the great powers are met and countered by advocacy networks and scientists campaigning for a ban on lethal autonomous weapons. As such, it moves beyond popular caricatures of 'killer robots' and points out some of the problems which result from over-reliance on such imagery. This book will be of much interest to students of strategic studies, critical security studies, arms control and disarmament, science and technology studies and general International Relations.

This book analyses securitization processes outside of the West, with a focus on Africa. The aim of the volume is to develop an original analytical framework to explain the securitization-neo-patrimonialism dynamics in West Africa, drawing upon insights from securitization theory, sociology and psychology. Among critical voices, securitization has become the gold standard for analysing emerging challenges, such as migration, terrorism, and human security. Yet, despite its broadening agenda, the framework has also been accused of bias, with a Western political context and democratic governance structure at its heart. This book aims to re-conceptualise the framework in a way that suits non-Western contexts better, notably by re-conceptualising the securitization-neopatrimonialism nexus in Africa, which gives us significant new insights into non-Western political contexts. It analyses the securitization processes among the political elites under neo-patrimonial statehood, and further stretches the conceptualisation of securitization into African statehood, which is characterised by a blurred line between the leader and the state. The volume explores the processes of securitizing threats in Liberia, Sierra Leone and wider West Africa, as well as the neo-patrimonial regimes of these states. In doing so, it explores the influence these states' neo-patrimonial regimes have on the processes of threat securitization. This book will be of much interest to students of critical security studies, African politics and International Relations. The Open Access version of this book, available at http://www.taylorfrancis.com, has been made available under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non Commercial-No Derivatives 4.0 license.

Organised Crime and Law Enforcement: A Network Perspective examines organised crime and law enforcement through the conceptual lens of networks. The book takes stock of the many ways in which network theories and concepts, including social network analysis, can apply to studying both organised crime and law enforcement responses to organised crime. It is the first attempt to bring these diverse network perspectives and distinct fields of research together. The book is organised into two parts. The first part uses network perspectives to advance our understanding of the interconnected social structure of organised criminal groups, to expose their strengths and vulnerabilities, and to illuminate factors that enable such groups to undertake complex criminal activities. The second part uses a network lens to examine the challenges that organised criminal groups present for a wide range of law enforcement agencies, and the utility of network theories and concepts in understanding and informing their responses to organised crime. Written in a clear and direct style, the book will appeal to scholars and practitioners of criminology, sociology, law enforcement, and all those interested in learning more about theories of organised crime and its relationship with law enforcement.

This book explores how the structures of international organizations have become increasingly complex and considers why states choose to become part of networks of international organizations alongside non-state actors. While granting participation rights to non-state actors, states have been actively involved in establishing complex ties with them. International organizations, in their turn, have enhanced the sustainment of complex networks. The author argues that the involvement in networks of international organizations provides better capacities in communication. Thus, being a governmental or non-governmental entity, an actor tends to occupy the beneficial structural positions of a leader, connecting to as many actors as possible; or a broker bridging isolated subgroups within a network. Through a study of the UN Human Rights Council (HRC) and the respective diplomatic, institutional, and organizational networks that participate in it, he explores the most visible stakeholders, the institutional setting of the HRC, and the multilateral negotiations on the prevention of human rights violations in 2010-2019. The volume will appeal to scholars, students and practitioners interested in the international organisations, networks, foreign policy, the United Nations and the Human Rights Council.

This book presents a comprehensive overview of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, the long-running dispute between Armenia and Azerbaijan over the Armenian-majority region of Azerbaijan. It outlines the historical development of the dispute, explores the political and social aspects of the conflict, examines the wars over the territory including the war of 2020 which resulted in a significant Azerbaijani victory, and discusses the international dimensions.

External Dimension of the European Union's Critical Infrastructure Protection Programme: From Neighboring Frameworks to Transatlantic Cooperation provides the basis, methodological framework, and first comprehensive analysis of the current state of the external dimension European Programme for Critical Infrastructure Protection. The challenges at the EU level are multidimension insofar as identifying, designating and protecting critical infrastructures with the ultimate goal of harmonizing different national policies of the Member States and creating the identity of the European Union in this arena. Modern society has become so reliant on various sectors of critical infrastructure-energy, telecommunications, transport, finance, ICT, and public services-that any disruption may lead to serious failures that impact individuals, society, and the economy. The importance of critical infrastructures grows with the industrial development of global and national communities; their interdependence and resiliency is increasingly important given security threats including terrorism, natural disaster, climate change and pandemic outbreak In the area of Critical Infrastructure Protection and Resilience, the European Union is constantly committed to setting the objectives for the Member States. At the same time, the European Commission promotes the importance of a common approach to Critical Infrastructure Protection (CIP), and ensure cooperation beyond the borders of the Union, while also cooperating with neighboring countries, including those soon willing to join the European Union. This book has been structured and written to contribute to current critical infrastructures, resilience policy development and discussions about regional and international cooperation. It serves as a reference for those countries willing to initiate cooperation and that therefore demand deeper knowledge on the security cultures and frameworks of their potential partners. Features: Provides an unprecedented analysis of the national frameworks of 14 neighboring countries of the EU, plus the United States and Canada Overcomes the language barriers to provide an overall picture of the state of play of the countries considered Outlines the shaping of national critical infrastructure protection frameworks to understanding the importance of service stability and continuity Presents guidelines to building a comprehensive and flexible normative framework Addresses the strategic and operational importance of international co-operation on critical infrastructure including efforts in CIP education and training Provides insight to institutions and decision-makers on existing policies and ways to improve the European security agenda The book explains and advocates for establishing stronger, more resilient systems to preserve functionalities at the local, national, and international levels. Security, industry, and policy experts-both practitioners and policy decision-makers-looking for answers will find the solutions they seek within this book.

This book gives a compelling analysis and explanation of shifts in China's non-intervention policy in Africa. Systematically connecting the neoclassical realist theoretical logic with an empirical analysis of China's intervention in African civil wars, the volume highlights a methodical interlink between theoretical and empirical analysis that takes into consideration the changing status of rising powers in the global system and its effect on their intervention behaviour. Based on field research and expert interviews, it provides a rigorous analysis of China's emergent intervention behaviour in some key African conflicts in Libya, South Sudan and Mali and broadens the study of external interventions in civil wars to include the intervention behaviour of non-Western rising powers. Obert Hodzi is Visiting Researcher at the African Studies Center, Boston University, USA, and Postdoctoral Researcher at the University of Helsinki, Finland.

This book offers a transnational and transdisciplinary investigation of the causes and consequences of violence, ranging from bullying and hate crimes to revolutions, genocide, and acts of terrorism. Editors James Hawdon, John Ryan, and Mark Lucht bring together empirical investigations of these specific types of violence as well as theoretical discussions of the underlying similarities and differences among these forms of violence to further a comprehensive understanding of the topic. The collection addresses hate crimes committed by one or two individuals, riots, revolutions, and terroristic acts committed by well-organized groups. It also focuses on the perpetrators as well as the targets of violence. While each chapter stands alone as a cutting-edge piece of scholarship, taken together the collection provide a comprehensive, multi-disciplinary approach to group violence. Addressing a phenomenon affecting every area of the modern world, From Bullies to Terrorists: The Causes and Consequences of Group Violence is a valuable resource for sociologists, criminologists, political scientists, behavioral scientists, peace studies scholars, and psychologists."

Fills a conspicuous gap in the literature by providing an authoritative dissection of one of the more prominent features of contemporary terrorism: so-called jihadi snuff videos. Explains how ISIS harnessed social media to manipulate global opinion and communicate a carefully constructed image of the group. Written in a lively and accessible style, it interrogates why some people find terrorist atrocity films both repulsive and irresistible.

Fills a conspicuous gap in the literature by providing an authoritative dissection of one of the more prominent features of contemporary terrorism: so-called jihadi snuff videos. Explains how ISIS harnessed social media to manipulate global opinion and communicate a carefully constructed image of the group. Written in a lively and accessible style, it interrogates why some people find terrorist atrocity films both repulsive and irresistible.

This volume looks at Insurgencies and COIN from a global and longue duree perspective giving the reader a broad perspective on a subject of much contemporary relevance. Insurgency and Counter-Insurgency are topics of enduring interest on university courses in history but also politics and international relations - and with the current state of the world as it stands, the subject's relevance is only being reinforced - the global perspective here speaks to the direction of travel of interest in the subject. Most volumes on the Modern subject start at the end of the 18th century, but this volume challenges this western perspective and gives a much longer time frame for the subject than competitor texts, as well as being much more truly global in focus.

This book examines the large but neglected topic of the development of maritime power from both an historical and a contemporary point of view. Navies have never been more important than they are now, in a century becoming, as widely expected, increasingly and profoundly maritime. The growing competition between China and Russia with the United States and its allies and partners around the world is essentially sea-based. The sea is also central to the world's globalised trading system and to its environmental health. Most current crises are either sea-based or have a critical maritime element to them. What happens at sea will help shape our future. Against that background, this book uses both history and contemporary events to analyse how maritime power and naval strength has been, and is being, developed. In a reader-friendly way, it seeks to show what has worked and what has not, and to uncover the recurring patterns in maritime and naval development which explain past, present and future success - and failure. It reflects on the historical experience of all navies, but in particular it poses the question of whether China is following the same pattern of naval development illustrated by Britain at the start of the 18th century, which led to two centuries of naval dominance. This book will be of much interest to students of maritime power, naval studies, and strategic studies, as well as to naval professionals around the world.

Carter illuminates and validates the vital role of visioning in social education. The book features peace in social education with instructional recommendations, planning resources and descriptions of transdisciplinary learning. It elaborates mindful citizenship across social, environmental, ethical, geographic, economic and political realms.

Despite the widespread acknowledgement that how people and groups understand their history plays a key role in the formation of their social identity, there has heretofore been only limited research on the mechanisms that bring this about. This book examines the critical points in identity formation that history education helps to create. It establishes how history curricula and textbooks shape the identities of their readers through their portrayals of borders and boundaries between social groups, their depictions of relations between minority and majority groups, the value systems they embody, the leaders they hold up as exemplars, and the stories they choose to tell. Korostelina shows how all these attributes of history curricula can be harnessed to reduce conflict attitudes and intentions and create a culture of peace, beginning with the history curriculum.

This book, first published in 1984, carefully examine the political debate surrounding nuclear weapons and superpower polices in Cold War Western Europe. It seeks to analyse a distinctly European view in Soviet policy, as opposed to a superpower view. It examines Soviet domestic and foreign policy, economic and military practice, with the aim of understanding and countering the Soviet threat to Western Europe.

This book, first published in 1982, analyses the prospects of the Cold War superpowers arms race spilling into outer space. A SIPRI-organized symposium in 1981 discussed the consequences of the militarization of outer space, as well as further arms control and disarmament measures. This book presents the findings of 20 eminent scientists, lawyers and diplomats from 12 different countries.

This book, first published in 1982, examines the crisis of detente in Europe and between the superpowers, the crisis in arms control, and the heightening of tensions within NATO, and analyses the central precepts of Western policy and thought in these areas. These crises are examined in terms of the trends, thought and action in the area of Western security. In particular, the concept of strategic stability, the assumptions behind arms control, and between arms control and security policy, are critically analysed.

This book, first published in 1961, is an analysis of the great struggle of the twentieth century, the Cold War. It carefully examines the conflict's origins in the Russian Revolution of 1917, and follows the thread of antagonism between west and east all the way up to 1960. These were the key years of the Cold War, when it seemed that the prospect of nuclear confrontation was a real one, and this book offers a close reading of the main events of those years. This volume concentrates on the European theatre, and Volume Two focuses on the Cold War in the East.

This book, first published in 1961, is an analysis of the great struggle of the twentieth century, the Cold War. It carefully examines the conflict's origins in the Russian Revolution of 1917, and follows the thread of antagonism between west and east all the way up to 1960. These were the key years of the Cold War, when it seemed that the prospect of nuclear confrontation was a real one, and this book offers a close reading of the main events of those years. This volume concentrates on the Cold War in the East, and Volume One focuses on the European theatre.

This book, first published in 1989, is a comprehensive examination of the profound impact of World War II on Soviet military affairs. It systematically assesses the costs and lessons of the war and their substantial impact on Soviet military and Party leaders in the Cold War era and particularly in the 1980s. Starting with the experiences of the war and its influence on the development of Soviet military thinking, the book addresses the relationship between the military and the Soviet political system, threat perception, decision making, and crisis and risk assessment. Also discussed are the war's influence on the structure and operations of the military in the 1980s, focusing on doctrine, conventional forces, the defence industry and historiography.

This book, first published in 1985, analyses the factors that have shaped the militarization of space. By examining in great detail the determinants of U.S. policy, it explains why for over 25 years space did not become the scene of an arms race, and why this began to change in the late 1970s. Both superpowers did, however, develop a limited anti-satellite capability in the 1960s, and these programmes are also discussed.

This book, first published in 1981, offers an analysis of the ways in which one strategic situation in Cold War politics impinged on another, and the interplay of historical forces and trends shaping national policies and the world pattern of power. Bringing together a wealth of factual and analytical material about the alliance systems built around the two superpowers, it examines the areas that seem most dangerous to the peace of the world, particularly in the Middle East, Asia and Latin America.

This book, first published in 1975, analyses the three tools which the Russians used for attaining their political objectives: war, peace and neutrality. This study shows how they have evolved a clear-cut view, based on Marxism-Leninism, of the origins of war, the categories of war, the ways in which it can be made to serve the Marxist revolutionary interest, and the circumstances in which it is profitable to use it. As for peace, both Lenin and Khrushchev described it as a 'temporary, unstable armistice between two wars'. In the Leninist view, peace is a tool for attaining political objectives just like war, while neutrality is essentially ridiculous: 'he who is not with me is against me'. Nevertheless, there are occasions when neutrality is a concept acceptable to the Soviet leaders, and this study examines instances of this, alongside war and peace.