Die Autorin untersucht den Aufstieg der Medici, die durch geschicktes Agieren in den Bereichen "Territorium, Dynastie und Diplomatie sowie Memoria" zu "Herzoegen der Republik" avancierten. Insbesondere dem zweiten Herzog Cosimo I. (1537-1574) gelang es, die Stellung der Familie auf Dauer zu festigen. Die Autorin betrachtet Theorie und Praxis fruhneuzeitlicher Legitimitat und erweitert das bislang gebrauchliche methodisch-begriffliche Repertoire. Das Buch bereichert die primar kunstgeschichtlich orientierte Mediciforschung um neue Forschungsansatze und leistet einen Beitrag zum besseren Verstandnis fruhneuzeitlicher Herrschaftsstrukturen.

Can cities solve the biggest problems of the twenty-first century better than nations? Is the city democracy's best hope? In the face of the most perilous challenges of our time-climate change, terrorism, poverty, and trafficking of drugs, guns, and people-the nations of the world seem paralyzed. The problems are too big, too interdependent, too divisive for the nation-state. Is the nation-state, once democracy's best hope, today democratically dysfunctional? Obsolete? The answer, says Benjamin Barber in this highly provocative and original book, is yes. Cities and the mayors who run them can do and are doing a better job. Barber cites the unique qualities cities worldwide share: pragmatism, civic trust, participation, indifference to borders and sovereignty, and a democratic penchant for networking, creativity, innovation, and cooperation. He demonstrates how city mayors, singly and jointly, are responding to transnational problems more effectively than nation-states mired in ideological infighting and sovereign rivalries. Featuring profiles of a dozen mayors around the world-courageous, eccentric, or both at once-If Mayors Ruled the World presents a compelling new vision of governance for the coming century. Barber makes a persuasive case that the city is democracy's best hope in a globalizing world, and great mayors are already proving that this is so.

Dieses Buch widmet sich der Untersuchung von Zusammenhangen zwischen gesellschaftlichen Transformationsprozessen, einer veranderten Kriminalpolitik und der medialen Kriminalitatsberichterstattung am Beispiel der nachtraglichen Sicherungsverwahrung. Der Autor beschreibt die soziologische Analyse der Sicherheitsgesellschaft und analysiert das Gesetzgebungsverfahren zu 66b StGB a.F. sowie die begleitende mediale Berichterstattung. Er zieht den Schluss, dass die Sicherungsverwahrung Ausdruck eines neuen Sicherheitsstrafrechts ist, das sich vor dem Hintergrund eines gesellschaftlichen Transformationsprozesses entwickelt und zunehmend zur Loesung gesellschaftlicher Probleme eingesetzt wird. Er sieht die Sicherheitsverwahrung zudem als Symptom populistischer Kriminalpolitik und als Ergebnis des medialen Ausdrucks von Kriminalitatsangsten.

Demokratie, die bis vor kurzem als selbstverstandliche Errungenschaft galt, wird gegenwartig massiv in Frage gestellt. Durch Modernisierungs- und Globalisierungsprozesse, oekonomische Krisen, rechtspopulistische Politikstrategien, Dynamiken der Diskriminierung und Exklusion, extremistische Einstellungen und terroristische Bedrohungen gerat Demokratie gegenwartig in eine Krise. Die Komplexitat dieser gesellschaftlichen Problemfelder analysieren die Autor_innen aus interdisziplinarer Perspektive. Wissenschaftler_innen aus verschiedenen wissenschaftlichen Arbeits- und Forschungsbereichen setzen sich mit der Krise der Demokratie, aber auch mit Moeglichkeiten ihrer Weiterentwicklung auseinander.

Verschiedene europaische Richtlinien verpflichten Unternehmer, Anbieter und Versicherer, ihre Kunden vor Vertragsschluss uber das auf den Vertrag objektiv anwendbare Recht oder uber eine in den AGB enthaltene Rechtswahlklausel zu informieren. Der Autor setzt sich umfassend mit diesen kollisionsrechtsbezogenen Informationspflichten auseinander. Er zeigt nicht nur den Bestand der Informationspflichten auf, sondern setzt diese in einen kollisionsrechtlichen Kontext. Das Buch untersucht zudem den notwendigen Inhalt und den Umfang der Informationspflichten sowie die Rechtsfolgen bei deren Verletzung und beleuchtet das Verhaltnis der Informationspflichten zu Rechtswahlklauseln in AGB.

Bargaining between states in the international system is governed by rules which shape and constrain their bargaining behavior. However, these rules can be changed. When, why, and how do states bargain differently? Drawing on original qualitative and quantitative evidence, this book demonstrates how the rules of the game influence the cooperative or coercive nature of the strategies adopted by all states in a negotiation. These effects influence each state's incentives regarding whether to play by the rules or to change them. Examining these incentives, as well as the conditions under which states can act on them, McKibben explains the wide variation in states' bargaining strategies. Several bargaining interactions are analyzed, including decision-making in the European Union, multilateral trade negotiations, climate change negotiations, and negotiations over the future status of Kosovo. This book provides a rich understanding of the nuances of states' behavior in international bargaining processes.

Das Selbstbestimmungsrecht der Voelker ist eines der komplexesten, ambivalentesten und zugleich erfolgreichsten rechtlich-politischen Konzepte. Dieses Buch wirft einen Blick zuruck auf das 20. Jahrhundert - dabei erscheint dieses als Jahrhundert der Selbstbestimmung und seine zweite Halfte als Zeitalter der Sezession. Im Zentrum der Analyse steht der Fall Kosovo, der bis heute Gegenstand kontroversieller voelkerrechtlicher und politischer Debatten ist. Das Buch geht der Frage nach, wie sich das Prinzip der Selbstbestimmung im Sinne einer "konkreten Utopie" weiterentwickeln koennte. Gerade durch seine Humanisierung in den letzten Jahrzehnten appelliert das Voelkerrecht an das Gewissen der Staatengemeinschaft und fungiert dabei als Katalysator bei der Realisierung des Fernziels einer gerechten Weltordnung, welche die Menschenrechte und das Recht auf Selbstbestimmung gewahrleistet.

Rejecting the notion that policy analysis and planning are value-free technical endeavors, an argumentative approach takes into account the ways that policy is affected by other factors, including culture, discourse, and emotion. The contributors to this new collection consider how far argumentative policy analysis has come during the past two decades and how its theories continue to be refined through engagement with current thinking in social theory and with the real-life challenges facing contemporary policy makers.

The approach speaks in particular to the limits of rationalistic, technoscientific policy making in the complex, unpredictable world of the early twenty-first century. These limits have been starkly illustrated by responses to events such as the environmental crisis, the near collapse of the world economy, and the disaster at the nuclear power plant in Fukushima, Japan. Addressing topics including deliberative democracy, collaborative planning, new media, rhetoric, policy frames, and transformative learning, the essays shed new light on the ways that policy is communicatively created, conveyed, understood, and implemented. Taken together, they show argumentative policy inquiry to be an urgently needed approach to policy analysis and planning.

Contributors. Giovanni Attili, Hubertus Buchstein, Stephen Coleman, John S. Dryzek, Frank Fischer, Herbert Gottweis, Steven Griggs, Mary Hawkesworth, Patsy Healey, Carolyn M. Hendriks, David Howarth, Dirk Jorke, Alan Mandell, Leonie Sandercock, Vivien A. Schmidt, Sanford F. Schram

Successful reforms need coherent approaches in which a range of stakeholders are willing to share responsibilities and resources in order to achieve the ultimate outcome of poverty reduction in developing countries. This book provides a framework to access intended outcomes generated by decentralization measures implemented in Asian and African countries. It is based on comparative analyses of different experiences of decentralization measures in six developing countries.

Delusional States is the first in-depth study of state-making and social change in Gilgit-Baltistan, a Shia-majority region of Sunni-dominated Pakistan and a contested border area that forms part of disputed Kashmir. For over seven decades, the territorial conflict over Kashmir has locked India and Pakistan in brutal wars and hate-centred nationalisms. The book illuminates how within this story of hate lie other stories - of love and betrayal, loyalty and suspicion, beauty and terror - that help us grasp how the Kashmir conflict is affectively structured and experienced on the ground. Placing these emotions at the centre of its analysis, the book rethinks the state-citizen relation in deeply felt and intimate terms, offering a multi-layered ethnographic understanding of power and subjection in contemporary Pakistan.

Americans are just emerging from one of the great reform eras in our historyan era in which we attempted to control public bureaucracies through interest representation, due process, management, policy analysis, federalism, and oversight. The United States has, in fact, undergone an institutional realignment and has emerged with a weaker, less autonomous bureaucracy. In a book that will interest not only public administration specialists but students of American government generally, William Gormley examines the consequences of the reform efforts of the 1970s and 1980s and seeks to understand why, despite an astonishing number of these efforts, we remain dissatisfied with the results. "The American bureaucracy is beleaguered and besieged," writes Gormley. "...Unfortunately, the bureaucracy's critics are equally capable of blunders." The author explains our situation by analyzing a spectrum of controls ranging from catalytic to hortatory to coercive. Catalytic controls--such as proxy advocacy, environmental impact statements, and freedom-of-information acts--are most flexible, while coercive controls--such as legislative vetoes, executive orders, and judicial take-overs of state institutions--are most rigid. While recommending that controls be tailored both to issues and to bureaucracies, Gormley shows that coercive interventions (or muscles) often generate new bureaucratic pathologies without eradicating old ones. In contrast, catalytic controls (or prayers) energize the bureaucracy without predetermining a hastily crafted response. Originally published in 1989. The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.

In the super-heated anticommunist politics of the early Cold War period, American liberals turned to the FBI. With the Communist party to the left of them and McCarthyism to the right, liberal leaders saw the Bureau as the only legitimate instrument to define and protect the internal security interests of the state. McCarthyism provided ample proof of the dangers of security by congressional investigation. In response, liberals delegated extensive powers to J. Edgar Hoover--creating a domestic intelligence capacity that circumvented constitutional and legal controls. This balanced account of the link between liberal leaders in the United States and the growth of the FBI will appeal to a broad audience of readers interested in the American political climate. William Keller identifies a tension between liberalism and the security of the state that can never be fully resolved, and analyzes the exact mechanisms through which liberals and liberal government came to tolerate and even venerate an authoritarian state presence in their midst. The author shows how the liberal offensive against domestic communism succeeded both in weakening McCarthyism and in disabling the Communist party in the United States. What was the cost of these successes? Keller's answer assesses the liberal community's contribution to changes in the FBI between 1950 and 1970: its transformation into an independent, unaccountable political police. Originally published in 1989. The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.

The Politics of Earthquake Prediction is a suspenseful account of what happens when scientists predict an enormous earthquake for a specific day--an earthquake that did not, in this instance, happen, but which, if it had, would have been one of the most destructive of our century. Working in a field where uncertainty abounds, Dr. Brian Brady of the U.S. Bureau of Mines and Dr. William Spence of the U.S. Geological Survey gradually came to the conclusion that a catastrophic quake would occur on June 28, 1981, off the coast of central Peru, near the great population center of Lima-Callao. Their research was based on a theory challenging scientific notions widely accepted in the seismological "establishment." This book is a fast-paced but thorough and sensitive description of how this scientific dispute became a political controversy. The work portrays in detail the struggles of scientists and government officials in both the United States and Peru attempting to "do the right thing" as the target date approached. The authors emphasize the political, economic, and moral dilemmas of earthquake prediction, the impact of the media, and the potentially drastic consequences of ignoring a valid prediction. Originally published in 1989. The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.

Acts of terrorist violence and foreign espionage may pose a serious threat to the security of the United States; yet recent disclosures demonstrate the great risk in giving an agency such as the FBI unlimited authority for gathering intelligence about terrorists and spies. Taking into account the findings and recommendations of the post-Watergate inquiries into FBI operations, John Elliff analyzes the legal and policy questions posed by a "security police" in a nation committed to constitutional government and the rule of law. The author draws on his experience both as principal consultant for the Police Foundation's research on FBI intelligence operations and as head of the Church committee's congressional staff task force on domestic intelligence. He examines the changes made in the structure and policy framework for FBI intelligence operations, including issues not fully resolved by reorganization and new guidelines. He also covers the standards and procedures for dealing with misconduct by FBI personnel. Dr. Elliff concludes that the present restrictions on FBI activities are necessary and that close supervision and control by the Attorney General will allow the Bureau to operate effectively without depriving law-abiding persons of their privacy or their freedom. Originally published in 1979. The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.

This is the first major study of politics and public administration in Japan to balance the prevailing view of the regional policy process from above" with a view "from below." Developing a comparative framework for understanding the place of localities in policy making, he demonstrates that relations among localities in Japan are much more important than previously supposed Originally published in 1983. The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.

Dealing with the vice presidency since 1953, this book recommends Walter Mondale's vice presidency as a model for future occupants of the office. The author considers the selection, campaign roles, and electoral impact of vice-presidential candidates. Originally published in 1982. The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.

After reestablishing the connection between morality and the law, the author develops a coherent position on many of the most controversial issues of urban life: the political uses of the streets; verbal assaults and the defamation of racial groups; the legitimate restriction of public speech; segregation, busing, and the use of racial quotas; education, housing, and the problem of the ghetto"; prostitution, gambling, and the "regulation of vices." Originally published in 1981. The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.

The lasting effects of slavery on contemporary political attitudes in the American South Despite dramatic social transformations in the United States during the last 150 years, the South has remained staunchly conservative. Southerners are more likely to support Republican candidates, gun rights, and the death penalty, and southern whites harbor higher levels of racial resentment than whites in other parts of the country. Why haven't these sentiments evolved? Deep Roots shows that the entrenched views of white southerners are a direct consequence of the region's slaveholding history. Today, southern whites who live in areas once reliant on slavery-compared to areas that were not-are more racially hostile and less amenable to policies that could promote black progress. A groundbreaking look at the ways institutions of the past continue to sway attitudes of the present, Deep Roots demonstrates how social beliefs persist long after the formal policies that created those beliefs have been eradicated.

Der Autor zeigt anhand des Finanzsystems auf, warum es notwendig ist, die oekonomische Bildung in eine sozialwissenschaftliche Bildung zu uberfuhren. Dabei entwickelt er ein Schema zur Darstellung des Finanzsystems und fuhrt aus, warum die Markte des Finanzsystems immer von einem Marktversagen betroffen sein koennen. Zur Krisenhaftigkeit tragt ebenfalls die internationale Verknupfung uber den Weltkapitalmarkt bei, der in die Darstellung integriert wird. Basierend auf dieser Analyse wird nachgewiesen, wie wenig die herkoemmliche oekonomische Bildung zum Verstandnis des Finanzsystems beitragt. Der Autor prasentiert anschliessend Vorschlage zur Weiterentwicklung des OEkonomieunterrichts.

In this lively study, Robert E. Shalhope supplies a fascinating microcosmic view of the rise and triumph of liberal individualism in America and explores its impact on political culture. Selected by Choice Magazine as an Outstanding Academic Title Originally published in 1996. Americans who lived between the Revolution and Civil War felt the brunt of resounding and sometimes frightening changes, which together eventually influenced the political culture of early America. In this lively study, Robert E. Shalhope examines one of the changes most difficult to gauge and most controversial among students of the period-the rise and triumph of liberal individualism in America-and explores its impact on political culture. Taking Bennington, Vermont, and its environs as a case study, Shalhope untangles the clash among three competing elements in the community-the egalitarian communalism of the Strict Congregationalists; the democratic individualism of the revolutionary Green Mountain Boys; and the hierarchical authority of the community's Federalist gentlemen of property and standing. None of these players anticipated (and indeed did not wish for) the result-the emergence of democratic liberalism. Shalhope writes of class tension, economic competition, and religious differences-and ultimately of cultural conflict and political partisanship-and yet throughout uses individual life experiences to give the narrative piquancy and to emphasize the significance of seemingly small, personal decisions. Shalhope thus demonstrates how the private lives of ordinary people played a role in the settlement of public issues. As an account of a single town and how its residents responded to change, Bennington and the Green Mountain Boys supplies a fascinating microcosmic view of the larger story of how liberal America came to be.

What explains contemporary variations in African legislative institutions - including their strengths and weaknesses? Compared with the more powerful executive branches, legislatures throughout the continent have historically been classified as weak and largely inconsequential to policy-making processes. But, as Ken Ochieng' Opalo suggests here, African legislatures actually serve important roles, and under certain conditions, powerful and independent democratic legislatures can emerge from their autocratic foundations. In this book, Opalo examines the colonial origins of African legislatures, as well as how postcolonial intra-elite politics structured the processes of adapting inherited colonial legislatures to local political contexts and therefore continued legislative development. Through case studies of Kenya and Zambia, Opalo offers a comparative longitudinal study of the evolution of legislative strength and institutionalization as well as a regional survey of legislative development under colonial rule, postcolonial autocratic single-party rule, and multiparty politics throughout Africa.

The Holy Crow.... How do you change one of Canada's most politically sensitive policies?" Retiring the Crow Rate "is an exacting study in the process of changing an entrenched public policy that many in the West saw as their birthright. It is also a rewarding work of memoir and a tribute to Jean-Luc Pepin's prowess as an engaging politician. Arthur Kroeger's deft narration of the events which led to the end of the "The Crow" in the early 1980s also reveals his character as an exemplary public servant. Political scientists and students, western historians, politically engaged Canadians, and those who fondly remember Arthur Kroeger as Canada's 'dean of deputy ministers' will want "Retiring the Crow Rate "on their bookshelves.