Das Selbstbestimmungsrecht der Voelker ist eines der komplexesten, ambivalentesten und zugleich erfolgreichsten rechtlich-politischen Konzepte. Dieses Buch wirft einen Blick zuruck auf das 20. Jahrhundert - dabei erscheint dieses als Jahrhundert der Selbstbestimmung und seine zweite Halfte als Zeitalter der Sezession. Im Zentrum der Analyse steht der Fall Kosovo, der bis heute Gegenstand kontroversieller voelkerrechtlicher und politischer Debatten ist. Das Buch geht der Frage nach, wie sich das Prinzip der Selbstbestimmung im Sinne einer "konkreten Utopie" weiterentwickeln koennte. Gerade durch seine Humanisierung in den letzten Jahrzehnten appelliert das Voelkerrecht an das Gewissen der Staatengemeinschaft und fungiert dabei als Katalysator bei der Realisierung des Fernziels einer gerechten Weltordnung, welche die Menschenrechte und das Recht auf Selbstbestimmung gewahrleistet.

Das Buch untersucht in unterschiedlichen raumlichen Kontexten den Zusammenhang von Religion und Politik vom 7. Jahrhundert bis in die jungste Vergangenheit. Aus historischer, theologisch-systematischer und literaturwissenschaftlicher Perspektive werden die Verflechtung der Religion mit Macht und Gewalt sowie der Umgang mit religioeser Pluralitat in der Vergangenheit vor Augen gefuhrt. Besondere Aufmerksamkeit finden die Weltreligionen Christentum und Islam. Die AutorInnen analysieren die Wurzeln aktueller Problemlagen und die vielfaltige politische Instrumentalisierung des Religioesen sowie die Grundkonstellationen im historischen Wandel.

Successful reforms need coherent approaches in which a range of stakeholders are willing to share responsibilities and resources in order to achieve the ultimate outcome of poverty reduction in developing countries. This book provides a framework to access intended outcomes generated by decentralization measures implemented in Asian and African countries. It is based on comparative analyses of different experiences of decentralization measures in six developing countries.

Der Autor zeigt anhand des Finanzsystems auf, warum es notwendig ist, die oekonomische Bildung in eine sozialwissenschaftliche Bildung zu uberfuhren. Dabei entwickelt er ein Schema zur Darstellung des Finanzsystems und fuhrt aus, warum die Markte des Finanzsystems immer von einem Marktversagen betroffen sein koennen. Zur Krisenhaftigkeit tragt ebenfalls die internationale Verknupfung uber den Weltkapitalmarkt bei, der in die Darstellung integriert wird. Basierend auf dieser Analyse wird nachgewiesen, wie wenig die herkoemmliche oekonomische Bildung zum Verstandnis des Finanzsystems beitragt. Der Autor prasentiert anschliessend Vorschlage zur Weiterentwicklung des OEkonomieunterrichts.

The search for a robust balance of power is a continuous challenge for multilevel political system. Institutions like parliaments or courts can protect the existing order. However, necessary adjustments to economic, social, or international challenges or policies determined to improve ineffective structures or to prevent disintegration require constitutional amendments. Whereas constitutional policy appears as essential to maintain balance, changing a constitution is rather difficult in multilevel governments. Due to the veto power of many actors pursuing divergent interests, policies aiming to redistribute power or fiscal resources risk to end in the joint decision trap. Hence, multilevel government is confronted by a fundamental dilemma. Constitutional Policy in Multilevel Government compares processes of constitutional reform in federal and regionalized states. Based on a theoretical framework emphasizing the relevance of negotiations in parliamentary, intergovernmental, and societal arenas, it identifies conditions for successful reforms and explains the consequences of failed reforms. Moreover, it highlights the interplay of reform processes and constitutional evolution as essential to maintaining a robust balance of power. The book demonstrates that an appropriate arrangement of multiple arenas of negotiation including executives, members of parliament and civil society organizations, and sequential order of reform processes proves fundamental to prevent federal or regionalized governments from becoming either instable or ending with rigid constitutions. Transformations in Governance is a major new academic book series from Oxford University Press. It is designed to accommodate the impressive growth of research in comparative politics, international relations, public policy, federalism, environmental and urban studies concerned with the dispersion of authority from central states up to supranational institutions, down to subnational governments, and side-ways to public-private networks. It brings together work that significantly advances our understanding of the organization, causes, and consequences of multilevel and complex governance. The series is selective, containing annually a small number of books of exceptionally high quality by leading and emerging scholars. The series targets mainly single-authored or co-authored work, but it is pluralistic in terms of disciplinary specialization, research design, method, and geographical scope. Case studies as well as comparative studies, historical as well as contemporary studies, and studies with a national, regional, or international focus are all central to its aims. Authors use qualitative, quantitative, formal modeling, or mixed methods. A trade mark of the books is that they combine scholarly rigour with readable prose and an attractive production style. The series is edited by Liesbet Hooghe and Gary Marks of the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, and the VU Amsterdam, and Walter Mattli of the University of Oxford.

Dealing with the vice presidency since 1953, this book recommends Walter Mondale's vice presidency as a model for future occupants of the office. The author considers the selection, campaign roles, and electoral impact of vice-presidential candidates. Originally published in 1982. The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.

The history of eastern European is dominated by the story of the rise of the Russian empire, yet Russia only emerged as a major power after 1700. For 300 years the greatest power in Eastern Europe was the union between the kingdom of Poland and the grand duchy of Lithuania, one of the longest-lasting political unions in European history. Yet because it ended in the late-eighteenth century in what are misleadingly termed the Partitions of Poland, it barely features in standard accounts of European history. The Making of the Polish-Lithuanian Union 1385-1569 tells the story of the formation of a consensual, decentralised, multinational, and religiously plural state built from below as much as above, that was founded by peaceful negotiation, not war and conquest. From its inception in 1385-6, a vision of political union was developed that proved attractive to Poles, Lithuanians, Ruthenians, and Germans, a union which was extended to include Prussia in the 1450s and Livonia in the 1560s. Despite the often bitter disagreements over the nature of the union, these were nevertheless overcome by a republican vision of a union of peoples in one political community of citizens under an elected monarch. Robert Frost challenges interpretations of the union informed by the idea that the emergence of the sovereign nation state represents the essence of political modernity, and presents the Polish-Lithuanian union as a case study of a composite state. The modern history of Poland, Lithuania, Ukraine, and Belarus cannot be understood without an understanding of the legacy of the Polish-Lithuanian union. This volume is the first detailed study of the making of that union ever published in English.

This book analyses changes which have occurred in the organization and management of the UK public services over the last 15 years, looking particularly at the restructured NHS. The authors present an up to date analysis around three main themes: 1. the transfer of private sector models to the public sector 2. the management of change in the public sector 3. management reorganization and role change In doing so they examine to what extent a New Public Management has emerged and ask whether this is a parochial UK development or of wider international significance. This is a topical and important issue in management training, professional and policy circles. Important analytic themes include: an analysis of the nature of the change process in the UK public services: characterisation of quasi markets; the changing role of local Boards and possible adaptation by professional groupings. The book also addresses the important and controversial question of accountability, and contributes to the development of a general theory of the New Public Management.

Reigning theories of urban power suggest that in a world dominated by footloose transnational capital, cities have little capacity to effect social change. In City Power, Richard C. Schragger challenges the existing assumptions, arguing that cities can govern, but only if we let them. In the past decade, city leaders across the country have raised the minimum wage, expanded social services, and engaged in social welfare redistribution. These cities have not suffered capital flight. In fact, many are experiencing an economic renaissance. Schragger argues that city policies are not limited by the demands of mobile capital, but instead by constitutional restraints serving the interests of state and federal officials. Maintaining weak cities is a political choice. In this new era of global capital, the power of cities is more relevant to citizen well-being than ever before. A dynamic vision of city politics for our new urban age, City Power reveals how cities can govern despite these constitutional limits - and why we should want them to.

The first textbook to explain the full range of operations in Welsh governance and politics for AS, A2 and undergraduate studentsThis new textbook explains Welsh devolution through the use of case studies, critical analysis and clear explanations of processes and terms. As the Welsh Assembly moves towards becoming a Welsh Parliament and the Welsh Government fashions a Welsh policy agenda, distinct from Westminster, students of British politics will learn how Welsh politics works in practice and how it is evolving.Key featuresSpecially written by teachers and lecturers for students of Welsh government and politics on AS, A2 and undergraduate courses10 case studies illuminate the nature and analysis of Welsh politicsDetailed, critical analysis of the National Assembly and the law-making process explains how laws are made in Wales, which is different from the rest of the UK Divided into short, easy-to read sub-sections, with worked examples and analysis tailored to student needsIncludes a glossary of key terms that are essential to understanding Welsh government and politics but are hard to find in a Welsh context

The concepts and theories of what constitutes a 'Middle Power' have played a key part in explaining the identity, behaviour and foreign policy roles of many states in the international system, including the United Kingdom, France, Australia and Brazil. But, with a few exceptions, these frameworks have failed to travel to scholarship on the Middle East, despite the theoretical and empirical potential that they offer for understanding regional dynamics. The first of its kind, this volume addresses that major gap by interrogating the conceptual, theoretical and empirical underpinnings of the concept of 'Middle Power' at a regional level. Composed of nine chapters, 'Unfulfilled Aspirations' offers the conceptual and theoretical tools to examine 'Middle Powerhood' in the Middle East, as well as insightful empirical analyses of both 'traditional' Middle Powers in the region (Egypt, Iran, Saudi Arabia, Algeria) and new, aspiring ones (Qatar, the UAE). The contributors reveal that the Middle Powers of the Middle East have failed, despite their best efforts, to fulfill their regional aspirations.

Canadian Federalism is Canada's leading text on federal institutions and processes. The fourth edition provides extensive updates and covers all the significant developments of the past decade, including Prime Minister Stephen Harper's battles with the Supreme Court and Prime Minister Justin Trudeau's efforts at a more co-operative approach to intergovernmental relations. It also features two entirely new chapters - one on criminal justice and criminal law, the other on comparative federalism. Specific topics include the Supreme Court's renewed emphasis on co-operative federalism and a federal-provincial balance tilted more in favour of the provinces, the Trudeau government's efforts to broker a deal between provinces over pipelines and carbon taxes as part of its commitment under the Paris Agreement, the strains imposed on federal-provincial relations with the influx of refugees, and the changing role of Ottawa and the provinces towards cities and in accommodating Indigenous rights. Examination of these key issues includes discussion of the implications of the 2019 federal election and recent provincial elections.

Some of the very best writings on issues involving local government can be found in journals published by the American Society for Public Administration or journals with which ASPA is associated. This volume includes thirty of the most outstanding articles that have been published over the past sixty years in these journals. Local Government Management is an ideal supplement for any course in local management and administration, whether the audience is students or practicing professionals.

"Good local governance" reflects the dual functions of local government. On the one hand, democratic regimes gain input legitimacy by responsiveness and by being inclusive towards the preferences of their citizens. On the other hand, they achieve output legitimacy by effectively delivering public goods and services. Their governance strategies follow three major paths - "decentralisation," "political administrative reforms" and "participatory reforms." But national contexts, actors, political culture and path dependency matter a lot. In this book continent-wide developments are compared by using relevant country studies. This comparative approach focuses on "developing countries" in Asia, Africa and Latin America, comparing and contrasting their experience with that of European countries

Die Reform der Kommunen steht seit Jahrzehnten in Japan und Deutschland auf der politischen Agenda und hat in beiden Landern zu teilweise weitreichenden Veranderungen im Verhaltnis von Staat und Kommunen, bzw. von Kommunen und Burgern gefuhrt. Chancen eroffnen sich fur mehr Burgernahe durch neue basisdemokratische Elemente in der Kommunalpolitik, wogegen die mangelnde Finanzautonomie in beiden Landern das grosste Risiko fur die Modernisierung der Kommunen sein durfte.
Die Beitrage in dem Band setzen sich mit aktuellen Modernisierungstrends in den Kommunen in Deutschland und Japan auseinander. Es wird deutlich, dass sich bei aller Vergleichbarkeit der Strategien der innenpolitische Fokus in beiden Landern unterscheidet. Wahrend in Deutschland gegenwartig die Schwerpunkte der Debatte auf Fragen der Okonomisierung der Kommunen und den Wirkungen neuer Steuerungsmechanismen fur die Effizienz von Kommunalpolitik liegen, sind in Japan die Dezentralisierungsreformen mit der Hoffnung auf einen Demokratisierungsschub von unten verbunden.
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Die wissenschaftliche Auseinandersetzung mit Fragen der lokalen Politik verandert sich parallel zu den Herausforderungen, mit denen ihr Forschungsobjekt umzugehen hat. In der Regel werden diese Themen einzeln aufgegriffen und aus verschiedenen Perspektiven abgehandelt. Dieser Band versucht im Gegensatz dazu, einen UEberblick uber die aktuellen Probleme und Fragen zu geben, mit denen sich die lokale Politikforschung in Deutschland zu Beginn des 21. Jahrhunderts beschaftigt. Eine solche UEbersicht offenbart gleichzeitig die bestehenden Forschungslucken, nach deren Ursachen zu fragen ist, ebenso wie die Veranderungen, die sich uber die Jahre hinweg in diesem Forschungsbereich ergeben haben.

Something profoundly important occurred in early 19th century America that came to be called democracy. Since then hundreds of millions of people worldwide have operated on the assumption that democracy exists. Yet definitions of democracy are surprisingly vague and remarkably few reckon with its history. In "Self-Rule," Robert Wiebe suggests that only in appreciating that history can we recognize how breathtaking democracy's arrival was, how extraordinary its spread has been, and how uncertain its prospects are.
American democracy arrived abruptly in the 19th century; it changed just as dramatically early in the 20th. Hence, "Self-Rule" divides the history of American democracy into two halves: a 19th century half covering the 1820s to the present, and a 20th century half, with a major transition from the 1890s to the 1920s between them. As Wiebe explains why the original democracy of the early 19th century represented a sharp break from the past, he recreates in vivid detail the way European visitors contrasted the radical character of American democracy with their own societies. He then discusses the operation of various 19th century democratic publics, including a nationwide public, the People. Finally, he places democracy's white fraternal world of equals in a larger environment where other Americans who differed by class, race, and gender, developed their own relations to democracy.
Wiebe then picks up the history of democracy in the 1920s and carries it to the present. Individualism, once integrated with collective self-governance in the 19th century, becomes the driving force behind 20th century democracy. During those same years, other ways of defining good governmentand sound public policy shunt majoritarian practices to one side. Late in the 20th century, these two great themes in the history of American democracy--individualism and majoritarianism--turn on one another in modern democracy's war on itself.
Finally, "Self-Rule" assesses the polarized state of contemporary American democracy. Putting the judgments of sixty-odd commentators from Kevin Phillips and E.J. Dionne to Robert Bellah and Benjamin Barber to the test of history, Wiebe offers his own suggestions on the meaning and direction of today's democracy. This sweeping work explains how the history of American democracy has brought us here and how that same history invites us to create a different future.

A comprehensive history of the provincial administrative and judiciary structure in Ottoman-governed BulgariaThis book provides a detailed exploration of the way in which administrative and judicial offices and practices provided an essential space for politics in 19th-century Bulgaria, securing local inhabitants' participation with Ottoman imperial governance. Combining a wealth of primary documents in both Bulgarian and Ottoman Turkish, this is the first systematic and comprehensive study of the connection between imperially-designed institutions and local politics.Key FeaturesDraws on provincial documents from Bulgarian archives to reveal a well-connected provincial political and economic environment in which the local elite played important roles alongside state officials.Provides a comprehensive discussion of the provincial bureaucratic and judiciary structure in Ottoman Balkans in the 19th century.Explains the investment of the local elite in the 19th century transformation of the Ottoman Empire.Provides an account of the main political structures in a key Bulgarian province at the eve of Bulgarian independence and in the midst of significant demographic movements involving the Turks, Bulgarians and the Adyghe people (Circassians).

'This is a funny, pointed love letter to Texas, at once elegiac and clear-eyed' Ben Macintyre, The Times From the Pulitzer Prize-winning author of The Looming Tower, God Save Texas is a journey through the most controversial state in America. Texas is a Republican state in the heart of Trumpland that hasn't elected a Democrat to a statewide office in more than twenty years; but it is also a state in which minorities already form a majority (including the largest number of Muslim adherents in the United States). The cities are Democrat and among the most diverse in the nation. Oil is still king but Texas now leads California in technology exports and has an economy only somewhat smaller than Australia's. Lawrence Wright has written an enchanting book about what is often seen as an unenchanting place. Having spent most of his life there, while remaining deeply aware of its oddities, Wright is as charmed by Texan foibles and landscapes as he is appalled by its politics and brutality. With its economic model of low taxes and minimal regulation producing both extraordinary growth and striking income disparities, Texas, Wright shows, looks a lot like the America that Donald Trump wants to create. This profound portrait of the state, completed just as Texas battled to rebuild after the devastating storms of summer 2017, not only reflects the United States back as it is, but as it was and as it might be. As much the home of Roy Orbison and Willie Nelson as of J.R., Ross Perot and the Bush family, as filled with magical scenery as with desolate oil-fields and strip-malls, Texas is a bellwether, super-sized mass of contradictions: a life-long study.

IRA violence and Sinn Fein's revolutionary politics plagued Northern Ireland for 30 years. Today, however, violence is (mostly) a tactic of the past and Sinn Fein is a major political player in both Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland. This is one of the most startling transformations of a radical violent movement in recent times. What exactly changed within Irish republicanism? What has stayed the same? And, crucially what caused this transformation? By examining republicanism's electoral participation and engagement in democratic bargaining, together with the role of Irish-America and British government policy, Matthew Whiting argues that moderation was a long-term process of concessions by republicanism in return for increased inclusion within the political system.

Dealing with the vice presidency since 1953, this book recommends Walter Mondale's vice presidency as a model for future occupants of the office. The author considers the selection, campaign roles, and electoral impact of vice-presidential candidates.

Originally published in 1982.

The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These paperback editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.

This book explores omissions, or silences, in previous investigations of agrarian transformations by foregrounding indigenous experiences of capitalist development. Providing a rich and detailed ethnographic study, Mercedes Biocca shows how capitalist processes are perceived, experienced, and either confronted or accepted depending on the different ways in which dispossession, resistance and negotiation have become embedded in the collective local memory. Challenging accounts that efface the agency of subalterns in shaping rural dynamics, and ignore the diversity of perspectives within indigenous groups, Biocca untangles the connections between global, national and local spatial scales in her analysis of accumulation by dispossession. Using two case studies, the Qom People in Pampa del Indio and the Moqoit people in Las Tolderías, she presents the main transformations that have taken place in the Argentine agricultural sector during the hegemony of post-neoliberalism while centring the perceptions and roles of subalterns within these transformations.

In the past two decades powerful economic, social, and fiscal forces have buffeted America's major cities. The urbanization of poverty, the shift in employment from manufacturing to services, middle-class flight to the suburbs and Sunbelt, the tax revolt, and cuts in federal aid have made it difficult for many cities to pay for such basic services as police and fire protection, sanitation, and roads.

In "America's Ailing Cities" Helen F. Ladd and John Yinger identify and measure the impact of these broad national trends. Drawing on data from 86 major cities, they offer a rigorous and innovative analysis of urban fiscal conditions. Specifically, they determine the impact of a wide range of factors that lie outside municipal control, including a city's basic economic structure and state-determined fiscal institutions, on a city's underlying fiscal health--the difference between potential revenue and the expenditure needed to finance public services of acceptable quality. Concluding that the fiscal health of America's cities has worsened since 1972, the authors call for new state and federal urban policies that direct assistance to the neediest cities.