"With the clarity of a finely etched drawing and the sparkling craft of a careful researcher, Archon Fung rediscovers the best traditions of American self-government. He introduces us to democracy's heroes in community police beat meetings and school council sessions. Look to the streets, he urges in a book bristling with insight and inspiring stories, a book that should be required reading for every student, scholar and citizen of democracy."--Lani Guinier, Bennett Boskey Professor, Harvard Law School, and coauthor of "The Miner's Canary"

"For readers who like theory grounded in a careful examination of concrete experience, "Empowered Participation" is a definite treat. Author Archon Fung demonstrates that state and civil society are intertwined in multiple ways, and the details of that intertwining bear importantly on the health of local democracy. Fung displays a remarkable capacity to look at imperfect reforms, assess the gains from these reforms, and draw from these observations an appreciation of what is possible. His concept of accountable autonomy opens a window on how deliberative democracy can work even in unpromising circumstances. Democratic theory and urban politics both stand to profit from this important book."--Clarence Stone, George Washington University

"This well-written, briskly argued book represents a significant addition to the field of democratic theory. Fung uses convincing analysis and illuminating case studies to produce a work that will be widely discussed and cited."--Stephen Elkin, University of Maryland, author of "Citizen Competence and Democracy"

"Fung combines fine-grained analysis of case studies with well-developed theoretical interests indemocratic empowerment and deliberation. His book is a very fine contribution to a new and exciting genre of democracy studies focused on institutional design."--Mark E. Warren, Georgetown University

In the super-heated anticommunist politics of the early Cold War period, American liberals turned to the FBI. With the Communist party to the left of them and McCarthyism to the right, liberal leaders saw the Bureau as the only legitimate instrument to define and protect the internal security interests of the state. McCarthyism provided ample proof of the dangers of security by congressional investigation. In response, liberals delegated extensive powers to J. Edgar Hoover--creating a domestic intelligence capacity that circumvented constitutional and legal controls. This balanced account of the link between liberal leaders in the United States and the growth of the FBI will appeal to a broad audience of readers interested in the American political climate. William Keller identifies a tension between liberalism and the security of the state that can never be fully resolved, and analyzes the exact mechanisms through which liberals and liberal government came to tolerate and even venerate an authoritarian state presence in their midst. The author shows how the liberal offensive against domestic communism succeeded both in weakening McCarthyism and in disabling the Communist party in the United States. What was the cost of these successes? Keller's answer assesses the liberal community's contribution to changes in the FBI between 1950 and 1970: its transformation into an independent, unaccountable political police. Originally published in 1989. The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.

Why do authoritarian regimes survive? How do dictators fail? What role do political institutions play in these two processes? Many of the answers to these questions can be traced to the same source: the interaction between institutions and preferences. Using Egypt as a case study, Professor Mahmoud Hamad describes how the synergy between judges and generals created the environment for the present government and a delicate balance for its survival. The history of modern Egypt is one of the struggle between authoritarian governments, and forces that advocate for more democratic rights. While the military has provided dictatorial leaders, the judiciary provides judges who have the power to either support or stymie authoritarian power. Judges and Generals in the Making of Modern Egypt provides a historically grounded explanation for the rise and demise of authoritarianism, and is one of the first studies of Egypt's judicial institutions within a single analytical framework.

In this lively study, Robert E. Shalhope supplies a fascinating microcosmic view of the rise and triumph of liberal individualism in America and explores its impact on political culture. Selected by Choice Magazine as an Outstanding Academic Title Originally published in 1996. Americans who lived between the Revolution and Civil War felt the brunt of resounding and sometimes frightening changes, which together eventually influenced the political culture of early America. In this lively study, Robert E. Shalhope examines one of the changes most difficult to gauge and most controversial among students of the period-the rise and triumph of liberal individualism in America-and explores its impact on political culture. Taking Bennington, Vermont, and its environs as a case study, Shalhope untangles the clash among three competing elements in the community-the egalitarian communalism of the Strict Congregationalists; the democratic individualism of the revolutionary Green Mountain Boys; and the hierarchical authority of the community's Federalist gentlemen of property and standing. None of these players anticipated (and indeed did not wish for) the result-the emergence of democratic liberalism. Shalhope writes of class tension, economic competition, and religious differences-and ultimately of cultural conflict and political partisanship-and yet throughout uses individual life experiences to give the narrative piquancy and to emphasize the significance of seemingly small, personal decisions. Shalhope thus demonstrates how the private lives of ordinary people played a role in the settlement of public issues. As an account of a single town and how its residents responded to change, Bennington and the Green Mountain Boys supplies a fascinating microcosmic view of the larger story of how liberal America came to be.

Originally published in 1986. Political machines, and the bosses who ran them, are largely a relic of the nineteenth century. A prominent feature in nineteenth-century urban politics, political machines mobilized urban voters by providing services in exchange for voters' support of a party or candidate. Allswang examines four machines and five urban bosses over the course of a century. He argues that efforts to extract a meaningful general theory from the American experience of political machines are difficult given the particularity of each city's history. A city's composition largely determined the character of its political machines. Furthermore, while political machines are often regarded as nondemocratic and corrupt, Allswang discusses the strengths of the urban machine approach-chief among those being its ability to organize voters around specific issues.

Many developing countries have a history of highly centralized governments. Since the late 1980s, a large number of these governments have introduced decentralization to increase democracy and improve services, especially in small communities far from capital cities. In "Going Local," an unprecedented study of the effects of decentralization on thirty Mexican municipalities, Merilee Grindle describes how local governments respond when they are assigned new responsibilities and resources under decentralization policies. She explains why decentralization leads to better local governments in some cases--and why it fails to in others.

Combining quantitative and qualitative methods, Grindle examines data based on a random sample of Mexican municipalities--and ventures into town halls to follow public officials as they seek to manage a variety of tasks amid conflicting pressures and new expectations. Decentralization, she discovers, is a double-edged sword. While it allows public leaders to make significant reforms quickly, institutional weaknesses undermine the durability of change, and legacies of the past continue to affect how public problems are addressed. Citizens participate, but they are more successful at extracting resources from government than in holding local officials and agencies accountable for their actions. The benefits of decentralization regularly predicted by economists, political scientists, and management specialists are not inevitable, she argues. Rather, they are strongly influenced by the quality of local leadership and politics.

For this new edition, James Bickerton and Alain-G. Gagnon have organized the book into six parts. Part I covers the origins and foundation of Canada as a political entity while Part II focuses on government, parliament, and the courts. Part III examines matters pertaining to federalism and the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. Part IV casts some new light on electoral politics and political communications and Part V examines citizenship, diversity, and social movements. Part VI, the final section of the book, concentrates on a number of political issues that merit special attention on the part of political actors and decision makers, namely the evolving relationship between Canada and Indigenous peoples, immigration and refugees, environment and climate change, and relations between Canada and the United States. This seventh edition of Canadian Politics includes 12 new chapters, with ten new contributing authors and coverage of six new subjects, and is essential reading for students and specialists studying Canadian politics.

Much research has highlighted that sub-state entities (SSEs) - such as the German Lander, the Spanish autonomous communities, or the French regions - mobilise at the European level. This literature, however, is silent on how this sub-state activity interacts with that of its own member state. Do SSEs lobby in Brussels with their member state (cooperation), without their member state (non-interaction), or against their member state (conflict)? This book fills the current research gap by identifying what pattern of interaction between state and sub-state EU interest representation corresponds to, and by identifying what the determinants of such a pattern are. To achieve this, both quantitative and qualitative methods are employed. The quantitative section consists of regression analysis on data collected through a survey addressed to heads of regional offices in Brussels, and highlights that cooperation is the most frequent outcome, followed by non-interaction. Conflicting interest representation is the least frequent outcome. Further analysis reveals that devolution levels do not affect conflict but increase the frequency of cooperation and decrease that of non-interaction. Meanwhile, party political incongruence fails to affect conflict, decreases cooperation, and increases non-interaction. This quantitative work is complemented by a series of in-depth case study analyses of Scotland (UK), Salzburg (Austria), Rhone-Alpes and Alsace (both France). Based on over a hundred semi-structured interviews, the case studies, along with additional statistical testing, confirm the overall findings reached through quantitative means and further suggest that the effect of devolution overrides that of party political incongruence. Transformations in Governance is a major new academic book series from Oxford University Press. It is designed to accommodate the impressive growth of research in comparative politics, international relations, public policy, federalism, environmental and urban studies concerned with the dispersion of authority from central states up to supranational institutions, down to subnational governments, and side-ways to public-private networks. It brings together work that significantly advances our understanding of the organization, causes, and consequences of multilevel and complex governance. The series is selective, containing annually a small number of books of exceptionally high quality by leading and emerging scholars. The series targets mainly single-authored or co-authored work, but it is pluralistic in terms of disciplinary specialization, research design, method, and geographical scope. Case studies as well as comparative studies, historical as well as contemporary studies, and studies with a national, regional, or international focus are all central to its aims. Authors use qualitative, quantitative, formal modeling, or mixed methods. A trade mark of the books is that they combine scholarly rigour with readable prose and an attractive production style. The series is edited by Liesbet Hooghe and Gary Marks of the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, and the VU Amsterdam, and Walter Mattli of the University of Oxford.

The Oxford Handbook of State and Local Government is an historic undertaking. It contains a wide range of essays that define the important questions in the field, evaluate where we are in answering them, and set the direction and terms of discourse for future work. The Handbook will have a substantial influence in defining the field for years to come. The chapters critically assess both the key works of state and local politics literature and the ways in which the sub-field has developed. It covers the main areas of study in subnational politics by exploring the central contributions to the comparative study of institutions, behavior, and policy in the American context. Each chapter outlines an agenda for future research.

The 1921 Tulsa Race Riot was the country's bloodiest civil disturbance of the century. Leaving perhaps 150 dead, 30 city blocks burned to the ground, and more than a thousand families homeless, the riot represented an unprecedented breakdown of the rule of law. It reduced the prosperous black community of Greenwood, Oklahoma, to rubble. In Reconstructing the Dreamland, Alfred Brophy draws on his own extensive research into contemporary accounts and court documents to chronicle this devastating riot, showing how and why the rule of law quickly eroded. Brophy offers a gut-wrenching portrait of mob violence and racism run amok, both on the night of the riot and the morning after, when a coordinated sunrise attack, accompanied by airplanes, stormed through Greenwood, torching and looting the community. Equally important, he shows how the city government and police not only permitted the looting, shootings, and burning of Greenwood, but actively participated in it. The police department, fearing that Greenwood was erupting into a "negro uprising" (which Brophy shows was not the case), deputized white citizens haphazardly, gave out guns and badges with little background check, or sent men to hardware stores to arm themselves. Likewise, the Tulsa-based units of the National Guard acted unconstitutionally, arresting every black resident they could find, leaving Greenwood property vulnerable to the white mob, special deputies, and police that followed behind and burned it. Brophy's revelations and stark narrative of the events of 1921 bring to life an incidence of racial violence that until recently lay mostly forgotten. Reconstructing the Dreamland concludes with a discussion of reparations for victims of the riot. That case has implications for other reparations movements, including reparations for slavery.

Border regions are often considered to be the neglected margins. In this book, Paul Nugent argues that through a comparison of the Senegambia and the trans-Volta (Ghana/Togo), we can see that the geographical margins have shaped notional centres at least as much as the reverse. Through a study of three centuries of history, this book demonstrates that states were forged through an extended process of converting a topography of settled states and slaving frontiers into colonial borders. It argues that post-colonial states and larger social contracts have been configured very differently as a consequence. It underscores the impact on regional dynamics and the phenomenon of peripheral urbanism. Nugent also addresses the manner in which a variegated sense of community has been forged amongst Mandinka, Jola, Ewe and Agotime populations who have both shaped and been shaped by the border. This is an exercise in reciprocal comparison and shuttles between scales, from the local and the particular to the national and the regional.

The North East is one of Britain's most disadvantaged regions. This area, where wealth was generated from coal, steel and engineering during the Industrial Revolution, has struggled to progress at the same rate as regions in Southern England. With a reliance on public sector services, the North East is set to be one of the hardest hit areas after Britain's exit from the European Union. The North East after Brexit arises from new research and activities at Northumbria University to shape the future of public sector management in the region. Across a range of new themes and governance, work is focused on how public sector agencies can work better together to shape the Northern economy in the future. The North East is a key partner in the Northern Powerhouse involving three northern regions and is designed to rebalance the northern economy in the UK and bridge the chasm between north and south. This important text is set within the context of the Northern Powerhouse; a highly complex and challenging concept that demands the development of new partnerships across the regions, and the need for collaborative working across city regions in the north. With a focus on Brexit and austerity as key drivers of change, this invaluable text contributes to debates in the region surrounding employment changes and policy directions in a post- Brexit world. It will prove to be an essential read for policy makers, government researchers and those working in the fields of public sector leadership and management. Joyce Liddle is a Professor of Public Leadership and Enterprise, Director of Research and Innovation and John Shutt is a Professor of Public Policy and Management. Both are located at Newcastle Business School, Northumbria University, UK.

Britain invented the modern industrial city in the nineteenth century. But by the late 20th century most British cities had become basket cases. Today London overshadows the rest of the country, as the UK's only 'world city'. No other large country is anything like as economically and politically centralized. This concentration of power damages Britain's economy and fuels the sense of discontent felt by the millions of people for whom the capital seems like another planet. Yet it is cities that are fuelling economic growth around the world. Mike Emmerich looks at the DNA of cities and how it expresses itself in their institutions, governance, public services, religion and culture. He argues that the UK needs a devolutionary ratchet, allowing major cities the freedom to seek devolution of any area of public spending that is not inherently national in nature (such as defence). Cities should have powers to raise some of their own taxes including business, property and sales based taxes and to increase them. He calls for sustained investment in transport and infrastructure, and also training. An innovation-centric industrial policy would also have an emphasis on the social fabric of cities and - crucially - their institutions.

The rise of China will undoubtedly be one of the great spectacles of the twenty-first century. More than a dramatic symbol of the redistribution of global wealth, the event has marked the end of the unipolar international system and the arrival of a new era in world politics. How the security, stability and legitimacy built upon foundations that were suddenly shifting, adapting to this new reality is the subject of Will China's Rise be Peaceful? Bringing together the work of seasoned experts and younger scholars, this volume offers an inclusive examination of the effects of historical patterns-whether interrupted or intact-by the rise of China. The contributors show how strategies among the major powers are guided by existing international rules and expectations as well as by the realities created by an increasingly powerful China. While China has sought to signal its non-revisionist intent its extraordinary economic growth and active diplomacy has in a short time span transformed global and East Asian politics. This has caused constant readjustments as the other key actors have responded to the changing incentives provided by Chinese policies. Will China's Rise be Peaceful? explores these continuities and discontinuities in five areas: theory, history, domestic politics, regional politics, and great power politics. Equally grounded in theory and extensive empirical research, this timely volume offers a remarkably lucid description and interpretation of our changing international relations. In both its approach and its conclusions, it will serve as a model for the study of China in a new era.

Lobbyismus ist in Deutschland kaum reguliert. Die Verbandeliste des Bundestags ist anerkanntermassen unzureichend. Auch die Offenlegungspflichten zu Parteispenden und Nebeneinkunften von Abgeordneten bringen kaum Transparenz in die Verflechtung von Politik und Wirtschaft. Intransparenz sowie eine zu grosse Nahe zwischen Interessenvertretern und Politikern schaden aber dem Vertrauen in die Gemeinwohlorientierung der Politik. Der Autor bewertet Nutzen und Gefahren des Lobbyismus und uberpruft anhand dieser Kategorien die Regulierungsmassnahmen der USA und der EU. Auf Grundlage des Rechtsvergleichs sowie unter Berucksichtigung der Vorgaben des Grundgesetzes untersucht der Autor moegliche Regulierungsinstrumente wie etwa ein verpflichtendes Lobbyregister oder den legislativen Fussabdruck.

Summer in the City takes a clear look at John Lindsay's tenure as mayor of New York City during the tumultuous 1960s, when President Lyndon Johnson launched his ambitious Great Society Program. Providing an even-handed reassessment of Lindsay's legacy and the policies of the period, the essays in this volume skillfully dissect his kaleidoscope of progressive ideas and approach to leadership - all set in a perfect storm of huge demographic changes, growing fiscal stress, and an unprecedented commitment by the federal government to attain a more equal society. Compelling archival photos and a timeline give readers a window into the mythic 1960s, a period animated by civil rights marches, demands for black power, antiwar demonstrations, and a heroic intergovernmental effort to redistribute national resources more evenly. Written by prize-winning authors and leading scholars, each chapter covers a distinct aspect of Lindsay's mayoralty (politics, race relations, finance, public management, architecture, economic development, and the arts), while Joseph P. Viteritti's introductory and concluding essays offer an honest and nuanced portrait of Lindsay and the prospects for shaping more balanced public priorities as New York City ushers in a new era of progressive leadership. The volume's sharp focus on the controversies of the Mad Men era will appeal not only to older readers who witnessed its explosive events, but also to younger readers eager for a deeper understanding of the time. A progressive Republican with bold ideals and a fervent belief in the American Dream, Lindsay strove to harness the driving forces of modernization, democratization, acculturation, inclusion, growth, and social justice in ways that will inform our thinking about the future of the city. Contributors: Lizabeth Cohen, Paul Goldberger, Brian Goldstein, Geoffrey Kabaservice, Mariana Mogilevich, Charles R. Morris, David Rogers, Clarence Taylor, and Joseph P. Viteritti.

The book provides a pioneering overview of the evolution of the local government and urban policy in Cape Verde after independence, offering a multi-scale perspective of local governance in Cape Verde from 1970 - 2020. It examines the process of urban development in the country, and in the capital city in particular, and explores the consequences and challenges for spatial planning, housing, urban heritage, and the environment, namely issues related to climate change in the post-independence period.

El libro presenta articulos derivados de investigaciones que abordan, desde diferentes angulos, el tema de la memoria politica en algunos paises de America Latina como Colombia, Argentina y Brasil. Los trabajos evidencian, en las luchas por la memoria, un gesto de sublevacion, de protesta, de resistencia frente a los relatos dominantes que inundan la esfera publica y no permiten la expresion de otras narrativas, ni el surgimiento de las otras memorias. En la primera parte del libro la discusion esta centrada en las formas de registrar la memoria, como representacion a traves del cine, o como documento y repertorios de accion politica en la escena publica o en el ambito juridico. La segunda presenta trabajos que analizan el testimonio, lo dicho y lo silenciado. El valor de aquel que sobrevive para dar testimonio, los silencios que se guardan a la espera del momento y el contexto favorable para el habla y las disputas presentes en esas diferentes narrativas que se construyen sobre el pasado.

Die Autorin untersucht den Aufstieg der Medici, die durch geschicktes Agieren in den Bereichen "Territorium, Dynastie und Diplomatie sowie Memoria" zu "Herzoegen der Republik" avancierten. Insbesondere dem zweiten Herzog Cosimo I. (1537-1574) gelang es, die Stellung der Familie auf Dauer zu festigen. Die Autorin betrachtet Theorie und Praxis fruhneuzeitlicher Legitimitat und erweitert das bislang gebrauchliche methodisch-begriffliche Repertoire. Das Buch bereichert die primar kunstgeschichtlich orientierte Mediciforschung um neue Forschungsansatze und leistet einen Beitrag zum besseren Verstandnis fruhneuzeitlicher Herrschaftsstrukturen.

Dieses Buch widmet sich der Untersuchung von Zusammenhangen zwischen gesellschaftlichen Transformationsprozessen, einer veranderten Kriminalpolitik und der medialen Kriminalitatsberichterstattung am Beispiel der nachtraglichen Sicherungsverwahrung. Der Autor beschreibt die soziologische Analyse der Sicherheitsgesellschaft und analysiert das Gesetzgebungsverfahren zu 66b StGB a.F. sowie die begleitende mediale Berichterstattung. Er zieht den Schluss, dass die Sicherungsverwahrung Ausdruck eines neuen Sicherheitsstrafrechts ist, das sich vor dem Hintergrund eines gesellschaftlichen Transformationsprozesses entwickelt und zunehmend zur Loesung gesellschaftlicher Probleme eingesetzt wird. Er sieht die Sicherheitsverwahrung zudem als Symptom populistischer Kriminalpolitik und als Ergebnis des medialen Ausdrucks von Kriminalitatsangsten.

Demokratie, die bis vor kurzem als selbstverstandliche Errungenschaft galt, wird gegenwartig massiv in Frage gestellt. Durch Modernisierungs- und Globalisierungsprozesse, oekonomische Krisen, rechtspopulistische Politikstrategien, Dynamiken der Diskriminierung und Exklusion, extremistische Einstellungen und terroristische Bedrohungen gerat Demokratie gegenwartig in eine Krise. Die Komplexitat dieser gesellschaftlichen Problemfelder analysieren die Autor_innen aus interdisziplinarer Perspektive. Wissenschaftler_innen aus verschiedenen wissenschaftlichen Arbeits- und Forschungsbereichen setzen sich mit der Krise der Demokratie, aber auch mit Moeglichkeiten ihrer Weiterentwicklung auseinander.

Verschiedene europaische Richtlinien verpflichten Unternehmer, Anbieter und Versicherer, ihre Kunden vor Vertragsschluss uber das auf den Vertrag objektiv anwendbare Recht oder uber eine in den AGB enthaltene Rechtswahlklausel zu informieren. Der Autor setzt sich umfassend mit diesen kollisionsrechtsbezogenen Informationspflichten auseinander. Er zeigt nicht nur den Bestand der Informationspflichten auf, sondern setzt diese in einen kollisionsrechtlichen Kontext. Das Buch untersucht zudem den notwendigen Inhalt und den Umfang der Informationspflichten sowie die Rechtsfolgen bei deren Verletzung und beleuchtet das Verhaltnis der Informationspflichten zu Rechtswahlklauseln in AGB.

Das Selbstbestimmungsrecht der Voelker ist eines der komplexesten, ambivalentesten und zugleich erfolgreichsten rechtlich-politischen Konzepte. Dieses Buch wirft einen Blick zuruck auf das 20. Jahrhundert - dabei erscheint dieses als Jahrhundert der Selbstbestimmung und seine zweite Halfte als Zeitalter der Sezession. Im Zentrum der Analyse steht der Fall Kosovo, der bis heute Gegenstand kontroversieller voelkerrechtlicher und politischer Debatten ist. Das Buch geht der Frage nach, wie sich das Prinzip der Selbstbestimmung im Sinne einer "konkreten Utopie" weiterentwickeln koennte. Gerade durch seine Humanisierung in den letzten Jahrzehnten appelliert das Voelkerrecht an das Gewissen der Staatengemeinschaft und fungiert dabei als Katalysator bei der Realisierung des Fernziels einer gerechten Weltordnung, welche die Menschenrechte und das Recht auf Selbstbestimmung gewahrleistet.