This book brings together leading figures in democratic reform and civic engagement to show why and how better state-citizen cooperation is necessary for achieving positive social change. Their contributions demonstrate that, while protest and non-state action may have their place, citizens must also work effectively with public bodies to secure sustainable improvements. The authors explain why the problem of civic disengagement poses a major threat, highlight what actions can be taken, and suggest how the underlying obstacles to democratic cooperation between citizens and state institutions can be overcome across a range of policy areas and in varied national contexts.

Yevgeni Vladimirovich Brik and James Douglas Finley Morrison were central figures in what was considered one of the most important Cold War operations in the West at the time. Their story, which involves espionage, intelligence tradecraft, intelligence service penetrations, double agent scenarios, and betrayal, is a piece of Cold War intelligence history that has never been fully told. Yevgeni Brik was a KGB deep cover illegal who had been dispatched to Canada in 1951. He settled in Verdun, Quebec. He eventually became the KGB Illegal Resident where he had responsibility for running a number of agents, one of whom was working on the CF-105, Avro Arrow. In 1953, he fell in love with a married Canadian woman to whom he revealed his true identity. She persuaded him to turn himself in, which resulted in his becoming a double agent, working for Canada. He was later betrayed by a Royal Canadian Mounted Police Officer, James Morrison, who sought money from the KGB to pay his debts. Brik was consequently lured back to Moscow in 1955, where he was arrested, and interrogated. Convicted of treason, a traitor's fate awaited him, predictable, grim and final. Incredibly, he reappeared at a British Embassy as an old man in 1992, seeking Canada's help. He was exfiltrated by a joint Canadian / British intelligence team which was headed by Donald Mahar. He was debriefed by Mahar for several months when they returned to Canada.

This book proposes to cast some theoretical and empirical light upon the external dimension of Justice and Home Affairs (JHA) which has become a priority in the European Union (EU)'s external relations. Counter-terrorism, visa policy, drug trafficking, organized crime or border controls have indeed become daily business in EU's relations with the rest of the world.

The external dimension of JHA is a persistent policy objective of the EU and its member states, as the 1999 Tampere summit conclusions, the 2000 Coreper report, the 2005 Strategy for the External Dimension of JHA, and the integration of JHA chapters under the European Neighbourhood Policy testify.

With an interdisciplinary ambition in mind, this book reflects an attempt to draw together theoretical and empirical insights on the external dimension written by academic scholars that take an interest in questions of JHA and European Foreign Policy (EFP). It does so from an issue-oriented perspective (civilian crisis management, the European Neighbourhood Policy, counter-terrorism policy, visa policy, passenger name record) but also from a geographical perspective with in-depth analysis of the situation in the Western Balkans, Georgia, transatlantic relations and of the Mediterranean neighbourhood.

This book was published as a special issue of the Journal of European Integration.

Although many people consider excessive police violence disconcerting, if, when, and how they voice their opinion or respond by taking some sort of action has generally remained empirically unknown. In the hope of understanding this process, Ross has developed a four-stage model, based on a review of the literature and on interviews with the relevant actors. He then uses this tool to analyze police violence that occurred in Toronto, Canada and New York City, over a fifteen-year period. To better focus the study, he uses in-depth case studies of three well-publicized cases of police violence from each city, matched on important criteria. This study addresses a difficult, timely, and important topic for victims, for police personnel, and for society. Ross concludes that, in general, most individuals do not respond to police use of excessive force; further, if and when they do usually depends on the context of the violence. Using both quantitative and qualitative methods, Ross's model integrates a variety of approaches to improve our understanding of how communities come to define and control the use of force by police, including literature on the role of media efforts and their impact upon police violence. The work concludes with an analysis of the reasons why people react so infrequently to incidents of excessive force.

For the first time, a comprehensive content analysis of the French press has been conducted in order to estimate as accurately as possible the opinion of the press about de Gaulle. It includes a comparison of de Gaulle's engagement in the public sphere with four American presidents who were his contemporaries: Eisenhower, Kennedy, Johnson, and Nixon.

Gender and Sovereignty seeks to reconstruct the notion of sovereignty in post-patriarchal society. Sovereignty is linked to emancipation, and an attempt is made to free both concepts from the static characteristics which derive from the Enlightenment and an uncritical view of the state. To reconstruct sovereignty, we must look beyond the state. Sovereignty, analysed in relational terms, becomes aligned with autonomy and self-determination in a world in which men and women can only be sovereign when they empower one another.

Since the end of the cold war, civil wars and state violence have escalated, resulting in thousands of deaths. This book provides a toolbox for donors, international agencies, and developing countries to prevent humanitarian emergencies. The emphasis is on long-term development policies rather than mediation or reconstruction after the conflict ensues. Policies include democratization, reforming institutions, strengthening civil society, improving the state's administrative capability, agrarian reform, accelerating economic growth through stabilization and adjustment, reducing inequalities, and redesigning aid to be more stable.

This book provides the first attempt to synthesise what is a pervasive phenomenon, and one that is mentioned tangentially in many political analyses, but nowhere receives the systematic and theoretical treatment that its significance to the working of 'democratic' political practice deserves. It will thus be a volume that should interest a range of scholars in government and political theory, in comparative politics and communications.

The attempted Greek takeover of Cyprus, Turkey's military invasion and occupation of that country, and the Turkish arms embargo that followed during the summer of 1974 sparked a struggle over the direction of American foreign policy. Paul Y. Watanabe explores the American foreign policymaking process in general and the impact ethnic group activism can have on foreign policy formulation in particular in his two-part study Ethnic Groups, Congress, and American Foreign Policy. In Part 1, he focuses on the rise of ethnic consciousness and activism, organizational behavior and interest group politics, lobbying, congressional-executive relations, the foreign policymaking process, and national security policy. Part 2 deals with a specific example of ethnic group activity in the foreign policymaking arena--Greek American and congressional attempts to ban further military shipments to Turkey. Watanabe concludes that ethnic groups can and do make significant contributions to the formulation of foreign policy by affecting the perceptions and actions of officials in Congress and the executive branch.

Hailed in the Times Literary Supplement as ‘probably the finest piece of non-fiction to come out of South Africa since the end of apartheid’, The Dream Deferred is back in print and updated with a brilliant new epilogue.

The prosperous Mbeki clan lost everything to apartheid. Yet the family saw its favourite son, Thabo, rise to become president of South Africa in 1999. A decade later, Mbeki was ousted by his own party and his legacy is bitterly contested – particularly over his handling of the AIDS epidemic and the crisis in Zimbabwe.

Through the story of the Mbeki family, award-wining journalist Mark Gevisser tells the gripping tale of the last tumultuous century of South Africa life, following the family’s path to make sense of the liberation struggle and the future that South Africa has inherited. At the centre of the story is Mbeki, a visionary yet tragic figure who led South Africa to freedom but was not able to overcome the difficulties of his own dislocated life.

It is 15 years since Mbeki was unceremoniously dumped by the ANC, giving rise to the wasted years under Jacob Zuma. With the benefit of hindsight, and as Mbeki reaches the age of 80, Gevisser examines the legacy of the man who succeeded Mandela.

In this groundbreaking study, Zimmerman explores the town meeting form of government in all New England states. This comprehensive work relies heavily upon surveys of town officers and citizens, interviews, and mastery of the scattered writing on the subject. Zimmerman finds that the stereotypes of the New England open town meeting advanced by its critics are a serious distortion of reality. He shows that voter superintendence of town affairs has proven to be effective, and there is no empirical evidence that thousands of small towns and cities with elected councils are governed better. Whereas the relatively small voter attendance suggests that interest groups can control town meetings, their influence has been offset effectively by the development of town advisory committees, particularly the finance committee and the planning board, which are effective counterbalances to pressure groups.

Zimmerman provides a new conception of town meeting democracy, positing that the meeting is a de facto representative legislative body with two safety valves--open access to all voters and the initiative to add articles to the warrant, and the calling of special meetings to reconsider decisions made at the preceding town meeting. And, as Zimmerman points out, a third safety valve--the protest referendum--can be adopted by a town meeting.

"A smart, well-documented book about a group of people determined to hold the powerful to account."-2021 NPR "Books We Love" "Journalism at its best."-2022 Southwest Books of the Year: Top Pick A 2021 Immigration Book of the Year, Immigration Prof Blog Investigative Reporters & Editors Book Award Finalist 2021 How Latino activists brought down powerful Arizona sheriff Joe Arpaio. Journalists Terry Greene Sterling and Jude Joffe-Block spent years chronicling the human consequences of Sheriff Joe Arpaio's relentless immigration enforcement in Maricopa County, Arizona. In Driving While Brown, they tell the tale of two opposing movements that redefined Arizona's political landscape-the restrictionist cause advanced by Arpaio and the Latino-led resistance that rose up against it. The story follows Arpaio, his supporters, and his adversaries, including Lydia Guzman, who gathered evidence for a racial-profiling lawsuit that took surprising turns. Guzman joined a coalition determined to stop Arpaio, reform unconstitutional policing, and fight for Latino civil rights. Driving While Brown details Arpaio's transformation-from "America's Toughest Sheriff," who forced inmates to wear pink underwear, into the nation's most feared immigration enforcer who ended up receiving President Donald Trump's first pardon. The authors immerse readers in the lives of people on both sides of the battle and uncover the deep roots of the Trump administration's immigration policies. The result of tireless investigative reporting, this powerful book provides critical insights into effective resistance to institutionalized racism and the community organizing that helped transform Arizona from a conservative stronghold into a battleground state.

Fear has always been present in cities. However, recent events and political and social trends have intensified these insecurities and refocused very diverse anxieties on civic space. The changing role of the state through globalization, and the growth of inequalities and power conflicts over public space call for a renewed analysis of global-local conflicts, and for a theorization of the relationship between issues of space and social marginalization.
The events of 9/11 have served to galvanise the precautionary principle, increasing repression and the number of gated communities worldwide. This book analyses the diverse responses of New York, Paris, London and Mumbai to terrorism, Johannesburg and Sao Paolo to cartels of gangs and British and French cities to persistent civic unrest. These responses can be perceived as a sign of hope; despite various constraints, cities' immense capacity for adaptation and resilience can allow very diverse people to live together with their differences.

Psychologist, H. John Lyke, and author of "What Would Our Founding Fathers Say?," asks the question:

"At the end of this century, will the United States still be a world leader or will we continue to be an inferior caricature of what we once were or, even worse, will we have become another fallen empire? Put another way, will the dreams and promises of Americans for their country continue to become unattainable?"

This book offers political straight talk about today's issues between the right and the left by looking through the eyes of the patriots who wrote the plans for our fledging nation. Are we following that plan? What was between the lines that our representatives seem to have forgotten? What was expected of the citizenry that the rest of us are neglecting to do? Lyke provides a clear and impassioned plea to get back to basics. And he shows us, in this treatise of some substance, why the Declaration of Independence, Constitution, and Bill of Rights were written, and why those superb documents continue to stand the test of time.

Lyke believes he has provided the bipartisan political formula necessary for his children and grandchildren, as well as his fellow Americans living in this country, to be able to live their lives with dignity, respect and a sense of purpose and pride of accomplishment - in a way not possible in the world of politics today.

This fascinating account, by a Czech-speaking American diplomat who lived in Czechoslovakia from 1967-1969, describes the collapse of a repressive Communist regime, the subsequent unprecedented explosion of popular freedom, the surprise Soviet occupation, and the spirited passive resistance of the population until the gradual strangulation of the Prague Spring. Drawing on his own journal, recent memoirs, and documentary materials in the National Archives, the author shows how American diplomats and senior U.S. officials analyzed and reacted to ongoing events. He explains how reform leader Alexander Dubcek became wedged between enthusiastic popular support and the objections of ultra-orthodox Soviet leaders. Skoug's economic and commercial responsibilities gave him considerable access to Czechoslovak officials even in the Novotny period, and he was an eyewitness to the invasion and many other crucial events of the period, including the great patriotic demonstration of March 1969 which the Soviet Union exploited to force Dubcek's resignation.

Despite overt Soviet pressure, neither Prague nor Washington anticipated intervention. The Johnson Administration, courting Moscow for help on Vietnam, displayed calculated indifference to the dispute and reacted tepidly to developments. Left alone, the Czechoslovak population met the invader with militant, if passive, resistance, but the Dubcek leadership capitulated to Soviet demands and acquiesced in an occupation that gradually betrayed all of the gains achieved. Subsequent reluctance by Washington to criticize Moscow helped the Soviet Union cut its diplomatic losses. On the other hand, the Czechoslavak crisis may have helped to persuade Gorbachev to allow Eastern Europe to resolve its own affairs in 1989.

A truly international, authoritative A–Z guide to five centuries of propaganda, in both wartime and peacetime, which covers key moments, techniques, concepts, and some of the most influential propagandists in history. This fascinating survey provides a comprehensive introduction to propaganda, its changing nature, its practitioners, and its impact on the past five centuries of world history. Written by leading experts, it covers the masters of the art from Joseph Goebbels to Mohandas Gandhi and examines enormously influential works of persuasion such as Uncle Tom's Cabin, techniques such as films and posters, and key concepts like black propaganda and brainwashing. Case studies reveal the role of mass persuasion during the Reformation, and wars throughout history. Regional studies cover propaganda superpowers, such as Russia, China, and the United States, as well as little-known propaganda campaigns in Southeast Asia, Ireland, and Scandinavia. The book traces the evolution of propaganda from the era of printed handbills to computer fakery, and profiles such brilliant practitioners of the art as Third Reich film director Leni Riefenstahl and 19th-century cartoonist Thomas Nast, whose works helped to bring the notorious Boss Tweed to justice.

Despite explicit commitments to gender equality, women experience complex modes of disadvantage and discrimination in all nations of the world. Offering sophisticated insights into the persistence of gendered differences in opportunities, roles, power, and rights in societies across the globe, this volume investigates factors that both enable and constrain women's advancement. From intimate relations within families, to social norms, relations, ideologies, and structures of power, to political institutions, electoral systems, and public policies, the chapters analyze possibilities for and obstacles to inclusive democratic practices and identify interventions essential to enable democratic values to take root. Contributors from Africa, Asia, Europe, Latin America, and the USA provide detailed assessments of the social, economic, and political condition of women, their mobilizations to produce transform gendered power and authority in diverse nations, and their efforts to enhance the quality of their lives, their communities, and democratic governance.