This book critically investigates the discourses and practices of human security and aims to delve below the stereotypical imageries representing them. Drawing on Foucault and Deleuze, the author approaches human security from a new perspective, with the aim of ascertaining what has been behind and underneath a certain spatio-temporal articulation of human security, and with what political implications and consequences. Each human security assemblage is composed of messy discourses and practices which are loosely related and sometimes even disconnected. This book examines the Canadian and Japanese articulations of human security and establishes the kinds of structural terrains have enabled, shaped, or blocked the unfolding of these versions of human security. The pivotal contention of the book is that Canadian and Japanese articulations of human security have been different because they have grown from completely different domestic economies of power governing the relationship between the state apparatus and the non-profit and voluntary sector. While the Canadian human security assemblage has been shaped by transformations in the country's advanced liberal model of government, the Japanese has been shaped by the continuities of Japan's bureaucratic authoritarianism. A novel approach is employed for the related process-tracing: a general series linking structural conditions with actual articulations of the human security projects, and their further development, including analysis of their unintended consequences. This book will be of much interest to students of Critical Security Studies, human security, global governance, foreign policy and IR/Security studies.

This edited volume examines the reconstitution of the public security domain since the 9/11 attacks, focusing on the banking sector and anti-money laundering (AML) activity in particular.

Since the inception of the Financial Action Taskforce (FATF) in 1989, AML has been viewed as a global problem. This text argues that the securitization of the financial sector as a result of AML has entailed the emergence of a new public security domain, which transcends the classic public-private divide.

The analysis in the volume is multidisciplinary and combines concepts and theories from the literature on securitization, the public-private divide, and business/management. The authors argue that the state is under transformation and that the developments in the security field are part of an ongoing renegotiation of the relationship between the state and the business sector. Securitization, Accountability and Risk Management therefore contributes to a deeper understanding of how the power relationships have changed between the public and the private sectors after 9/11.

This interdisciplinary book will be of much interest to students of critical security, risk management, business studies, critical legal studies and IR in general.

Examining the increasingly powerful role of standards in the governing of economic, political and social life, this book draws upon governmentality and actor network theory to explore how standards and standardizing projects are articulated and rendered workable in practice, and the objects, subjects and forms of identity to which this gives rise.

Italian anarchists Nicola Sacco and Bartolomeo Vanzetti were arrested outside Boston in 1920 and charged with robbing and killing a shoe factory paymaster and his guard. Though a prosecutor insisted they would be tried for murder and 'nothing else', their radical politics remained a focus of the 1921 trial. Contributors from a range of academic disciplines and artistic traditions apply critical and interpretive methodologies, assume novel historical perspectives, and analyze overlooked primary materials to illuminate previously unexplored aspects of the Sacco-Vanzetti case. The essays in this book analyze literary, artistic, and mass mediated representations of Sacco and Vanzetti, linking them to stereotypes of so-called 'foreigners' and 'others' that prevailed in the 1920s, and interrogating those images that prevail in our own age.

Decolonising the Human examines the ongoing project of constituting ‘the human’ in light of the durability of coloniality and the persistence of multiple oppressions

The ‘human’ emerges as a deeply political category, historically constructed as a scarce existential resource. Once weaponised, it allows for the social, political and economic elevation of those who are centred within its magic circle, and the degradation, marginalisation and immiseration of those excluded as the different and inferior Other, the less than human.

Speaking from Africa, a key site where the category of the human has been used throughout European modernity to control, exclude and deny equality of being, the contributors use decoloniality as a potent theoretical and philosophical tool, gesturing towards a liberated, pluriversal world where human difference will be recognised as a gift, not used to police the boundaries of the human. Here is a transdisciplinary critical exploration of a wide range of subjects, including history, politics, philosophy, sociology, anthropology and decolonial studies.

This book brings together leading figures in democratic reform and civic engagement to show why and how better state-citizen cooperation is necessary for achieving positive social change. Their contributions demonstrate that, while protest and non-state action may have their place, citizens must also work effectively with public bodies to secure sustainable improvements. The authors explain why the problem of civic disengagement poses a major threat, highlight what actions can be taken, and suggest how the underlying obstacles to democratic cooperation between citizens and state institutions can be overcome across a range of policy areas and in varied national contexts.

In an age of heightened awareness of the threat that western industrialized societies pose to the environment, hunters and gatherers attract particularly strong interest because they occupy the ecological niches that are constantly eroded. Despite the denial of sovereignty, the world's more than 350 million indigenous peoples continue to assert aboriginal title to significant portions of the world's remaining bio-diversity. As a result, conflicts between tribal peoples and nation states are on the increase. Today, many of the societies that gave the field of anthropology its empirical foundations and unique global vision of a diverse and evolving humanity are being destroyed as a result of national economic, political, and military policies.

Although quite a sizable body of literature exists on the living conditions of the hunters and gatherers, this volume is unique in that it represents the first extensive east-west scholarly exchange in anthropology since the demise of the USSR. Moreover, it also offers new perspectives from indigenous communities and scholars in an exchange that be termed "south-north" as opposed to " north-north," denoting the predominance of northern Europe and North America in scholarly debate.

The main focus of this volume is on the internal dynamics and political strategies of hunting and gathering societies in areas of self-determination and self-representation. More specifically, it examines areas such as warfare and conflict resolution, resistance, identity and the state, demography and ecology, gender and representation, and world view and religion. It raises a large number of major issues of common concerns and therefore makes important reading for all those interested in human rights issues, ethnic conflict, grassroots development and community organization, and environmental topics.

Yevgeni Vladimirovich Brik and James Douglas Finley Morrison were central figures in what was considered one of the most important Cold War operations in the West at the time. Their story, which involves espionage, intelligence tradecraft, intelligence service penetrations, double agent scenarios, and betrayal, is a piece of Cold War intelligence history that has never been fully told. Yevgeni Brik was a KGB deep cover illegal who had been dispatched to Canada in 1951. He settled in Verdun, Quebec. He eventually became the KGB Illegal Resident where he had responsibility for running a number of agents, one of whom was working on the CF-105, Avro Arrow. In 1953, he fell in love with a married Canadian woman to whom he revealed his true identity. She persuaded him to turn himself in, which resulted in his becoming a double agent, working for Canada. He was later betrayed by a Royal Canadian Mounted Police Officer, James Morrison, who sought money from the KGB to pay his debts. Brik was consequently lured back to Moscow in 1955, where he was arrested, and interrogated. Convicted of treason, a traitor's fate awaited him, predictable, grim and final. Incredibly, he reappeared at a British Embassy as an old man in 1992, seeking Canada's help. He was exfiltrated by a joint Canadian / British intelligence team which was headed by Donald Mahar. He was debriefed by Mahar for several months when they returned to Canada.

This book proposes to cast some theoretical and empirical light upon the external dimension of Justice and Home Affairs (JHA) which has become a priority in the European Union (EU)'s external relations. Counter-terrorism, visa policy, drug trafficking, organized crime or border controls have indeed become daily business in EU's relations with the rest of the world.

The external dimension of JHA is a persistent policy objective of the EU and its member states, as the 1999 Tampere summit conclusions, the 2000 Coreper report, the 2005 Strategy for the External Dimension of JHA, and the integration of JHA chapters under the European Neighbourhood Policy testify.

With an interdisciplinary ambition in mind, this book reflects an attempt to draw together theoretical and empirical insights on the external dimension written by academic scholars that take an interest in questions of JHA and European Foreign Policy (EFP). It does so from an issue-oriented perspective (civilian crisis management, the European Neighbourhood Policy, counter-terrorism policy, visa policy, passenger name record) but also from a geographical perspective with in-depth analysis of the situation in the Western Balkans, Georgia, transatlantic relations and of the Mediterranean neighbourhood.

This book was published as a special issue of the Journal of European Integration.

Although many people consider excessive police violence disconcerting, if, when, and how they voice their opinion or respond by taking some sort of action has generally remained empirically unknown. In the hope of understanding this process, Ross has developed a four-stage model, based on a review of the literature and on interviews with the relevant actors. He then uses this tool to analyze police violence that occurred in Toronto, Canada and New York City, over a fifteen-year period. To better focus the study, he uses in-depth case studies of three well-publicized cases of police violence from each city, matched on important criteria. This study addresses a difficult, timely, and important topic for victims, for police personnel, and for society. Ross concludes that, in general, most individuals do not respond to police use of excessive force; further, if and when they do usually depends on the context of the violence. Using both quantitative and qualitative methods, Ross's model integrates a variety of approaches to improve our understanding of how communities come to define and control the use of force by police, including literature on the role of media efforts and their impact upon police violence. The work concludes with an analysis of the reasons why people react so infrequently to incidents of excessive force.

For the first time, a comprehensive content analysis of the French press has been conducted in order to estimate as accurately as possible the opinion of the press about de Gaulle. It includes a comparison of de Gaulle's engagement in the public sphere with four American presidents who were his contemporaries: Eisenhower, Kennedy, Johnson, and Nixon.

Gender and Sovereignty seeks to reconstruct the notion of sovereignty in post-patriarchal society. Sovereignty is linked to emancipation, and an attempt is made to free both concepts from the static characteristics which derive from the Enlightenment and an uncritical view of the state. To reconstruct sovereignty, we must look beyond the state. Sovereignty, analysed in relational terms, becomes aligned with autonomy and self-determination in a world in which men and women can only be sovereign when they empower one another.

Since the end of the cold war, civil wars and state violence have escalated, resulting in thousands of deaths. This book provides a toolbox for donors, international agencies, and developing countries to prevent humanitarian emergencies. The emphasis is on long-term development policies rather than mediation or reconstruction after the conflict ensues. Policies include democratization, reforming institutions, strengthening civil society, improving the state's administrative capability, agrarian reform, accelerating economic growth through stabilization and adjustment, reducing inequalities, and redesigning aid to be more stable.

The demise of Communism has not only affected Eastern Europe but also the countries of the West where a far-reaching examination of political and economic systems has begun. This collection of essays by internationally renowned scholars of political theory from Europe and the United States explores both the concept and the reality of civil society and its institutions.

This book provides the first attempt to synthesise what is a pervasive phenomenon, and one that is mentioned tangentially in many political analyses, but nowhere receives the systematic and theoretical treatment that its significance to the working of 'democratic' political practice deserves. It will thus be a volume that should interest a range of scholars in government and political theory, in comparative politics and communications.

The attempted Greek takeover of Cyprus, Turkey's military invasion and occupation of that country, and the Turkish arms embargo that followed during the summer of 1974 sparked a struggle over the direction of American foreign policy. Paul Y. Watanabe explores the American foreign policymaking process in general and the impact ethnic group activism can have on foreign policy formulation in particular in his two-part study Ethnic Groups, Congress, and American Foreign Policy. In Part 1, he focuses on the rise of ethnic consciousness and activism, organizational behavior and interest group politics, lobbying, congressional-executive relations, the foreign policymaking process, and national security policy. Part 2 deals with a specific example of ethnic group activity in the foreign policymaking arena--Greek American and congressional attempts to ban further military shipments to Turkey. Watanabe concludes that ethnic groups can and do make significant contributions to the formulation of foreign policy by affecting the perceptions and actions of officials in Congress and the executive branch.

This book is directed at researchers and policymakers at all levels and is intended to stimulate fresh thinking for the development of unconventional and innovative ideas for migration policymaking. The papers in this edited volume are the results of a joint ICMPD/IMISCOE workshop on "Innovative Concepts for Alternative Migration Policies", held at the International Centre for Migration Policy Development in Vienna in 2006, with the participation of migration researchers, policymakers and representatives of international organisations. Based on the strengths of the combined ideas presented by the authors of these ten short papers, eight basic principles for the design of innovative migration policy approaches are presented and developed.

Three leading thinkers analyze the erosion of democracy's social foundations and call for a movement to reduce inequality, strengthen inclusive solidarity, empower citizens, and reclaim pursuit of the public good. Democracy is in trouble. Populism is a common scapegoat but not the root cause. More basic are social and economic transformations eroding the foundations of democracy, ruling elites trying to lock in their own privilege, and cultural perversions like making individualistic freedom the enemy of democracy's other crucial ideals of equality and solidarity. In Degenerations of Democracy three of our most prominent intellectuals investigate democracy gone awry, locate our points of fracture, and suggest paths to democratic renewal. In Charles Taylor's phrase, democracy is a process, not an end state. Taylor documents creeping disempowerment of citizens, failures of inclusion, and widespread efforts to suppress democratic participation, and he calls for renewing community. Craig Calhoun explores the impact of disruption, inequality, and transformation in democracy's social foundations. He reminds us that democracies depend on republican constitutions as well as popular will, and that solidarity and voice must be achieved at large scales as well as locally. Taylor and Calhoun together examine how ideals like meritocracy and authenticity have become problems for equality and solidarity, the need for stronger articulation of the idea of public good, and the challenges of thinking big without always thinking centralization. Dilip Parameshwar Gaonkar points out that even well-designed institutions will not integrate everyone, and inequality and precarity make matters worse. He calls for democracies to be prepared for violence and disorder at their margins-and to treat them with justice, not oppression. The authors call for bold action building on projects like Black Lives Matter and the Green New Deal. Policy is not enough to save democracy; it will take movements.

In this groundbreaking study, Zimmerman explores the town meeting form of government in all New England states. This comprehensive work relies heavily upon surveys of town officers and citizens, interviews, and mastery of the scattered writing on the subject. Zimmerman finds that the stereotypes of the New England open town meeting advanced by its critics are a serious distortion of reality. He shows that voter superintendence of town affairs has proven to be effective, and there is no empirical evidence that thousands of small towns and cities with elected councils are governed better. Whereas the relatively small voter attendance suggests that interest groups can control town meetings, their influence has been offset effectively by the development of town advisory committees, particularly the finance committee and the planning board, which are effective counterbalances to pressure groups.

Zimmerman provides a new conception of town meeting democracy, positing that the meeting is a de facto representative legislative body with two safety valves--open access to all voters and the initiative to add articles to the warrant, and the calling of special meetings to reconsider decisions made at the preceding town meeting. And, as Zimmerman points out, a third safety valve--the protest referendum--can be adopted by a town meeting.