In April of 2005 Shell sought an injunction in a Dublin court against residents of Erris in northwestern Republic of Ireland who were obstructing the laying of pipelines across their lands. On June 29, 2005 the court convicted and jailed five people for failing to comply with the order of the High Court restraining them from interfering with Shell's project. When Communities Confront Corporations examines the issues and events that led to the incarceration of the Rossport Five and how it resonates with events in the Niger Delta region of Nigeria. It argues that conflicts between communities and corporations, though pervasive, do not appear to receive adequate scholarly attention. The book compares the altercations between Shell and the Erris communities in Ireland and the responses to these conflicts, with similar conflicts generated in the Niger Delta area of Nigeria by the presence of the oil giant. It challenges the so-called conspiracy theory, which is often associated with the oil company's operations in the Niger Delta and argues that the key difference between the two sets of conflicts and responses to them is the context. ________________________ Austin Onuoha did his graduate studies at the Conflict Transformation Program (now Center for Justice and Peacebuilding) at the Eastern Mennonite University, in Harrisonburg, Virginia. He is currently a PhD student in Conflict Analysis and Resolution at Nova Southeastern University in Florida, USA. He had worked as the executive secretary and head of conflict resolution at the Human Rights Commission (now Human Rights and Conflict Resolution Centre) Abakaliki, Nigeria. He currently monitors Chevron's community engagement initiatives in Nigeria for the Centre for Social and Corporate Responsibility (CSCR) based in Nigeria. He was elected Ashoka Fellow in 2001 for his innovative work in harnessing conflict energy for development. He also conducts training in conflict resolution, corporate social responsibility, human rights, non-violence and peace-building and development. He is an adjunct fellow at the West African Peacebuilding Institute in Ghana and is the author of the book: From Conflict to Collaboration Building Peace in Nigeria's Oil-Producing Communities (London, Adonis & Abbey Publishers, 2005)

'Impressive ... Fascinating' Sunday Times 'An authoritative history' Financial Times 'Gripping and richly researched' Rana Mitter A superb new history of the rise of China and the fall of Hong Kong to authoritarian rule. The rise of China and the fall of Hong Kong to authoritarian rule are told with unique insight in this new history by Michael Sheridan, drawing on eyewitness reporting over three decades, interviews with key figures and documents from archives in China and the West. The story sweeps the reader from the earliest days of trade through the Opium Wars of the 19th century to the age of globalisation and the handover of Hong Kong from Britain to China. It ends with the battle for democracy on the city's streets and the ultimate victory of the Chinese Communist Party. How did it come to this? We learn from private papers that Margaret Thatcher anguished over the fate of Hong Kong, sought secret American briefings on how to handle China and put her trust in an adviser who was torn between duty and pride. The deal they made with Beijing did not last. The Chinese side of this history, so often unheard, emerges from memoirs and documents, many new to the foreign reader, revealing how the party's iron will and negotiating tactics crushed its opponents. Yet the voices of Hong Kong people - eloquent, smart and bold - speak out here for ideals that refuse to die. Sheridan's book tells how Hong Kong opened the way for the People's Republic as it reformed its economy and changed the world, emerging to challenge the West with a new order that raises fundamental questions about progress, identity and freedom. It is critical reading for all who study, trade or deal with China.

This book assesses what corruption means for populists, and the anti-corruption rhetoric of populist actors. The author uses the case study of Czech politicians to show how populist politicians exploit the notion of corruption in their communication. Using many examples of different political statements (by presidents, party leaders, MPs, etc.), the populist discourse of corruption is discussed in the context of other discourses presented in Czech politics. The author analyses both Czech (not only populist) political party election manifestos and the political communication on social media from Czech anti-establishment and populist political parties (ANO, Freedom and Direct Democracy, and Pirates). Based on an extensive conceptual framework the book also focuses on whether mainstream parties respond to the success of populists by adopting populist anti-corruption rhetoric themselves and the similarities and differences between the approaches they adopt. Understanding the processes of more than 30 years of Czech post-communist politics, and offering a theoretical and methodological framework applicable to research conducted in other contexts, this book will appeal to scholars of political science, sociology and economics.

A multivocal account of why Egypt's defeated revolution remains a watershed in the country's political history. Bread and Freedom offers a new account of Egypt's 2011 revolutionary mobilization, based on a documentary record hidden in plain sight—party manifestos, military communiqués, open letters, constitutional contentions, protest slogans, parliamentary debates, and court decisions. A rich trove of political arguments, the sources reveal a range of actors vying over the fundamental question in politics: who holds ultimate political authority. The revolution's tangled events engaged competing claims to sovereignty made by insurgent forces and entrenched interests alike, a vital contest that was terminated by the 2013 military coup and its aftermath. Now a decade after the 2011 Arab uprisings, Mona El-Ghobashy rethinks how we study revolutions, looking past causes and consequences to train our sights on the collisions of revolutionary politics. She moves beyond the simple judgments that once celebrated Egypt's revolution as an awe-inspiring irruption of people power or now label it a tragic failure. Revisiting the revolutionary interregnum of 2011–2013, Bread and Freedom takes seriously the political conflicts that developed after the ouster of President Hosni Mubarak, an eventful thirty months when it was impossible to rule Egypt without the Egyptians.

The Proliferation Security Initiative (PSI) was initiated by US President Bush on 31 May 2003. Its purpose is to prevent elements of weapons of mass destruction (WMD) from reaching or leaving states or sub-state actors of proliferation concern. Such states include first and foremost North Korea, but also Iran, the Sudan, Syria and Cuba. Countries publicly adhering to its Principles have grown from a core of 11 to more than 20, including in Asia, only Japan and Singapore.
Most WMD traffic moves by sea. The focus of the PSI is on interdictions and seizures. There have been 11 successful intercepts so far. This includes an intercept of WMD related materials to Libya that purportedly forced Libya to abandon its WMD programs. Moreover Liberia, Panama, the Marshall Islands and Croatia have signed bilateral WMD boarding agreements with the United States.
Although the PSI has made considerable progress, its aggressive promotion and implementation has created considerable controversy. It hasbeen criticized for lacking sufficient public accountability, stretching if not breaking the fundaments and limits of existing international law, undermining the UN system, limited effectiveness, and being politically divisive. Moreover, countries that are key to a successful PSI ---like China, India, Indonesia and South Korea---have not publicly joined the activity despite US pressure to do so, and Japan and Russia seem to be rather reluctant participants. Each is weighing the pros and cons of public participation.
The PSI has been cast upon already stormy political seas. In both Northeast and Southeast Asia, Cold War relationships and alliances are being stressed as the region's countriesre-adjust to each other, the United States and the new security environment. China's rise, Japan's drive to become a 'normal' country, and big power competition for influence in Southeast Asia set the political context. Within this context, maritime security issues are rising to the forefront of national concerns. Jurisdiction is creeping seaward and perceptions of threat and concepts of sovereignty are diverging, greatly elevating maritime sensitivities.
Options for increasing PSI participation and enhancing its effectiveness include changing existing international law; expanding existing conventions or developing a new one; obtaining an unambiguous empowering UN Security Council Resolution; obtaining NATO endorsement; arguing pre-emptive self-defense; and building a coalition of countries willing to perform such interdictions on each other's ships and aircraft or in or over their territorial seas. However each of these options has obstacles and limitations that must be overcome. The PSI has some ways to go before it becomes the comprehensive effective tool its founders envisioned.

In post-Brexit Britain wracked by multiple crises, the entitlements of citizenship grow increasingly precarious. 'Britishness' is a way of understanding the nation shaped by white nationalism that acts as a powerful tool of racial bordering, separating the deserving from the undeserving. In The Violence of Britishness, Nadya Ali examines the impact of counter-terrorism and immigration policy on Muslims and other racially minoritised groups. Dissecting the Prevent strategy, she shows how Muslims have been compelled to reform their conduct and their faith in order to prove their 'Britishness', or risk being labelled an 'extremist' and made vulnerable to further state violence. Situating this within broader changes such as the hostile environment, austerity, and the cost of living crisis, who gets what is increasingly decided through who counts as sufficiently 'British'.

Unravelling the debate about the Spanish nation and its identity in the new democracy, this book looks at the issue as both a historical debate and a contemporary political problem, particularly complex due to the legacy of the Francoist Dictatorship which deeply eroded the legitimacy of Spanish nationalism. During and since the transition Spanish nationalist discourse has evolved to meet the challenge of new concepts of nation and identity. These formulations argue very different configurations of the relationship between nation and state. While the Constitution of 1978 defines Spain as a nation of nationalities, many politicians and intellectuals now claim that Spain is a nation of nations, others that it is a nation of nations and regions, or a post-traditional nation state, or post-national state. For the peripheral nationalists, it is merely a state of nations and regions. What is at issue is not whether Spain exists or not as a nation; rather, it is the traditional ways of seeing Spain from both the centre and the periphery that are being challenged.
The Reinvention of Spain examines the ways in which Spanish and regional identities are projected and how influence the external actions of the Spanish state. It also analyses the dynamic of comparative grievance and competition between regions deriving from the peculiar architecture of the state in Spain, and their effect on social and political cohesion. Finally, it examines scenarios of change that might foster solutions but asserts that Spain will continue to reinvent itself.

This book, first published in 1983, brings together leading world experts on film and radio propaganda in a study which deals with each of the major powers as well as several under occupation. By examining each nations’ propaganda content and comparing its various strands of output designed for different audiences, the historian is provided with an important source of a nation’s official self-image. Total war forced governments to formulate goals consistent with the received national ideology in order to support the war effort. To this extent, much of the domestic propaganda was directed towards stimulating the population to make sacrifices with promise of a new world if the peace were won.

Why do people living in different areas vote in different ways? Why does this change over time? How do people talk about politics with friends and neighbours, and with what effect? Does the geography of well-being influence the geography of party support? Do parties try to talk to all voters
at election time, or are they interested only in the views of a small number of voters living in a small number of seats? Is electoral participation in decline, and how does the geography of the vote affect this? How can a party win a majority of seats in Parliament without a majority of votes in
the country? Putting Voters in their Place explores these questions by placing the analysis of electoral behaviour into its geographical context. Using information from the latest elections, including the 2005 General Election, the book shows how both voters and parties are affected by, and seek to
influence, both national and local forces. Trends are set in the context of the latest research and scholarship on electoral behaviour. The book also reports on new research findings.

"Terror In America: A Muslim Surviving the Federal Prison System" may benefit from the conversational approach that is taken by the authors of the material. They have also designed the text to be accessible to the readers while carrying impact through references to personal struggle, catharsis, and a strong insightful criticism of today's societal forces.

Stalin's death and denunciation at the 1956 Twentieth Party Congress unleashed a furor among soviet historians. Despite attempts of Stalinist apparatchiks to stem the tide of historical revision, in the 1960s a small group of anti-Stalinist historians continued to fight for historical truth, setting them on a collision course with the party political elite. Using intensive interviews and original manuscript material, Markwick provides a unique, insiders' account of the battle for the Soviet past in the 1960s which paved the way for the dramatic upheavel in Soviet historical writing occcasioned by perestroika.

The Anglo-Scottish union crisis is used to demonstrate the growing influence of popular opinion in this period. In the early modern period, ordinary subjects began to find a role in national politics through the phenomenon of public opinion: by drawing on entrenched ideological differences, oppositional leaders were able to recruit popularsupport to pressure the government with claimed representations of a national interest. This is particularly well demonstrated in the case of the Anglo-Scottish union crisis of 1699-1707, in which Country party leaders encouragedremarkable levels of participation by non-elite Scots. Though dominant accounts of this crisis portray Scottish opinion as impotent in the face of Court party corruption, this book demonstrates the significance of public opinion in the political process: from the Darien crisis of 1699-1701 to the incorporation debates of 1706-7, the Country party aggressively employed pamphlets, petitions and crowds to influence political outcomes. The government's changing response to these adversarial activities further indicates their rising influence. By revealing the ways in which public opinion in Scotland shaped the union crisis from beginning to end, this book explores the power and limitsof public opinion in the early modern public sphere and revises understanding of the making of the British union. Dr KARIN BOWIE lectures in History at the University of Glasgow.

As firefighters, even how we answer the phone or the door makes a first and lasting impression on the public and the community we serve. Author Jason Hoevelmann fills in the gaps that may exist in fire service teaching to better prepare you for a lifetime of the greatest job on earth. The New Company Officer tackles the not-so-obvious challenges you will face during your fire service career. Discover: Why do firefighters make bad decisions on the job and off duty? How can firefighters deal with their own problems and their challenges as firefighters? How can you enrich our own career and help your fellow firefighters improve, grow, and advance their own career? The New Company Officer strives to make a big impact on your department and your success. "We do an excellent job pulling hose and throwing ladders," Hoevelmann writes, "but how do we deal with people every day?" Some of the goals book will help you to achieve are to: be prepared, set expectations, follow through, serve, listen, be humble, be a leader, make no excuses, do your best, and do what others won't do. What you will learn: How to handle difficult colleagues How to create company drills that keep your firefighters proficient How to delegate and lead by example

A timely, provocative expose of America's political and business leadership's deep ties to China: a network of people who believe they are doing the right thing - at a profound and often hidden cost to American and Western interests. The past few years have seen a shift in the relations between China and the United States, from enthusiastic economic partners, to wary frenemies, to open rivals. Americans have been slow to wake up to the challenges posed by the Chinese Communist Party. Why did this happen? And what can be done about it? In America Second, Isaac Stone Fish traces the evolution of the Chinese Communist Party's influence in America. He shows how America's leaders initially welcomed China's entry into the US economy, believing that trade and engagement would lead to a more democratic China. And he explains how - despite the fact that this belief has proved misguided - many of the country's businesspeople and politicians have become too dependent on China to challenge it. America Second exposes a deep web of Chinese influence in America, built quietly over the years through prominent figures such as former secretaries of state Henry Kissinger and Madeleine Albright, Disney chairman Bob Iger, and members of the Bush political dynasty. And it shows how to fight that influence - without being paranoid, xenophobic, or racist. This is an authoritative and important story, not only of corruption but of misplaced intentions, with serious implications for the future of the United States, as well as for the world at large.

This book examines the ways in which the views of the public inhabit the counter-terrorism policy space, with a focus on the UK case. Drawing insights from Critical Terrorism Studies, Critical Security Studies and studies of public opinion, the book develops an argument that the relationship between public opinion is complex, iterative and mutually instantiating. Rather than public opinion and counter-terrorism policy existing in a simple, uni-directional causal relationship, the book argues that whilst counter-terrorism policy actors are informed by public opinion, in important ways they also construct that very opinion. This argument is made through an empirical analysis of UK counter-terrorism policy. Drawing on primary research interviews with key counter-terrorism policy actors, and security professionals, as well as original analysis of parliamentary debates, the book demonstrates that rather than UK counter- terrorism politics being closed and elite-driven, there exists a complex, dialectical relationship between public opinion and both the making and the implementing of counter-terrorism policy. This book will be of much interest to students of critical terrorism studies, counter-terrorism, security studies, British politics and communication studies.

A global system of mass, warrantless, government surveillance now imperils privacy and other civil liberties essential to sustaining the free world. This project to unilaterally, totally control information flow is a product of complex, ongoing interplay between technological, political, legal, corporate, economic, and social factors, including research and development of advanced, digital technologies; an unremitting "war on terror"; relaxed surveillance laws; government alliances with information technology companies; mass media manipulation; and corporate globalism. This book details these and other factors contributing to this degenerative trend; specifies recommendations for constructive change; and provides a platform for grassroots efforts to stop the decline before it is too late.

Since the start of the twenty-first century, the political mainstream has been shifting to the right. The liberal orthodoxy that took hold in the West as a reaction to the Second World War is breaking down. In Europe, populist political parties have pulled the mainstream in their direction; in America, a series of challenges to the Republican mainstream culminated in the 2016 election of Donald Trump. In Key Thinkers of the Radical Right, sixteen expert scholars explain sixteen thinkers, providing an introduction to their life and work, a guide to their thought, and an explanation of their work's reception. The chapters focus on thinkers who are widely read across the political right in both Europe and America, such as Julius Evola, Alain de Benoist, and Richard B. Spencer. Featuring classic, modern, and emerging thinkers, this selection provides a good representation of the intellectual right and avoids making political or value judgments. In an increasingly polarized political environment, Key Thinkers of the Radical Right offers a comprehensive and unbiased introduction to the thinkers who form the foundation of the radical right.

Transformative democratic politics are necessary to the advance of substantive democratization. They are vital to the improvement of popular control over public affairs and for promoting economic growth and social welfare. In this diverse collection, the authors examine the political dynamics of democratization in the Global South, and the potential and problems of transformative strategies in new growth economies, as well as the benefits for post-clientelist transformations. If the contemporary challenge for democratization in the Global South is to substantiate formal and minimalist democracy, the contribution of this book is to point to the centrality of transformative democratic politics.

This intriguing memoir details in a quiet and restrained manner with what it meant to be a committed black intellectual activist during the apartheid years and beyond. Few autobiographies exploring the 'life of the mind' and the 'history of ideas' have come out of South Africa, and N Chabani Manganyi's reflections on a life engaged with ideas, the psychological and philosophical workings of the mind and the act of writing are a refreshing addition to the genre of life writing. Starting with his rural upbringing in Mavambe, Limpopo, in the 1940s, Manganyi's life story unfolds at a gentle pace, tracing the twists and turns of his journey from humble beginnings to Yale University in the USA. The author details his work as a clinical practitioner and researcher, as a biographer, as an expert witness in defence of opponents of the apartheid regime and, finally, as a leading educationist in Mandela's Cabinet and in the South African academy. Apartheid and the Making of a Black Psychologist is a book about relationships and the fruits of intellectual and creative labour. Manganyi describes how he used his skills as a clinical psychologist to explore lives - both those of the subjects of his biographies and those of the accused for whom he testified in mitigation; his aim always to find a higher purpose and a higher self.

In 2006 against the background of the increasing problematization of Muslims and Islam in German public debate, the German government established the German Islam Conference. In a post 9/11 world, this was a time period shaped by the global war on terror, changes in the German naturalization law, the proliferation of racism targeting Muslims, and the expansion of security apparatuses. In Governing Muslims and Islam in Contemporary Germany Luis Manuel Hernandez Aguilar critically analyzes the institutionalization of the Conference and the different projects this institution has set in motion to govern Islam and Muslims against the looming presence of racial representations of Muslims. The analysis begins with the foundation of the Conference until the end of its second phase in 2014.