Recent armed conflicts, whether international or non-international in character, are in many respects characterized by a variety of asymmetries. These asymmetries may be overstressed, sometime even abused, and ultimately virtually meaningless. Still, either as such or in conjunction with other developments, they seem to challenge the law of armed conflicts or: international humanitarian law. These challenges may very well compromise the very function of that body of law, which is to mitigate as far as possible the calamities of war. Thus, the law of armed conflict may be deprived of its fundamental function as an order of necessity because its legally binding directives will increasingly be disregarded for the sake of allegedly superior values.

In order to discuss these and other questions a most distinguished group of experts in the field of the law of armed conflicts gathered in Berlin in June 2005. The goal of that colloquium, which marked the 70th birthday of Knut Ipsen, was to find operable solutions for problems and challenges the contemporary law of armed conflict is confronted with.

With contributions by Bill Boothby, Michael Bothe, Yoram Dinstein, Knut Dormann, Charles J. Dunlap Jr., Volker Epping, Dieter Fleck, Steven Haines, Wolff Heintschel von Heinegg, Hans-Joachim Heintze, Rainer Hofmann, Frits Kalshoven, Stefan Oeter, W. Hays Parks, Michael Schmitt, Torsten Stein, and Andreas Zimmermann."

This book analyzes a new phenomenon in international law: international organizations assuming the powers of a national government in order to reform political institutions. After reviewing the history of internationalized territories, this book asks two questions about these "humanitarian occupations." First, why did they occur? The book argues that the missions were part of a larger trend in international law to maintain existing states and their populations. The only way this could occur in these territories, which had all seen violent internal conflict, was for international administrators to take charge. Second, what is the legal justification for the missions? The book examines each of the existing justifications and finds them wanting. A new foundation is needed, one that takes account of the missions" authorisation by the UN Security Council and their pursuit of goals widely supported in the international community.

Who is accountable under international law for the acts committed by armed opposition groups? In today's world the majority of political conflicts involve non-state actors attempting to exert political influence (such as overthrowing a government or bringing about secession). Notwithstanding their impact on the course of events, however, we often know little about these groups, and even less about how to treat their actions legally. In this award-winning scholarship, Liesbeth Zegveld examines the need to legally identify the parties involved when internal conflicts arise, and the reality of their demands for rights. Her study draws upon international humanitarian law, human rights law and international criminal law to consider a fundamental question: who is accountable for the acts committed by non-state actors, or for the failure to prevent or repress these acts? This study will be of interest to academics, postgraduate students and professionals involved with armed conflict and international relations.

Laws regulating armed conflict have existed for centuries, but the bulk of these provisions have been concerned with wars between states. Relatively little attention has been paid to the enormously important area of internal armed conflict. At a time when international armed conflicts are vastly outnumbered by domestic disputes, this book seeks to redress the balance through a comprehensive analysis of those rules which exist in international law to protect civilians during internal armed conflict. From regulations in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries according to the doctrine of recognition of belligerency, this book traces the subsequent development of international law by the Geneva Conventions and their additional Protocols, as well as through the more recent jurisprudence of the Yugoslav and Rwandan tribunals. The book also considers the application of human rights law during internal armed conflict, before assessing how effectively the applicable law is, and can be, enforced.

International organizations have become major players on the international scene, whose acts and activities affect individuals, companies and states. Damage to interests or violation of rights sometimes occur (such as during peacekeeping operations, for example). Karel Wellens considers what remedies are available to potential claimants such as private contractors, staff members or, indeed, anyone suffering damage as a result of their actions. Can they turn to an Ombudsman or national courts, or do they have to rely on support by their own state? Are the remedies provided by international organizations adequate? Wellens' conclusions include suggestions for alternative remedial options in the future.

What should be the role of our institutions of higher education? To promote good moral character? To bring an end to racism, sexism, economic oppression, and other social ills? To foster diversity and democracy and produce responsible citizens? In Save the World On Your Own Time, Stanley Fish argues that, however laudable these goals might be, there is but one proper role for the academe in society: to advance bodies of knowledge and to equip students for doing the same. When teachers offer themselves as moralists, political activists, or agents of social change rather than as credentialed experts in a particular subject and the methods used to analyze it, they abdicate their true purpose. And yet professors now routinely bring their political views into the classroom and seek to influence the political views of their students. Those who do this will often invoke academic freedom, but Fish suggests that academic freedom, correctly understood, is the freedom to do the academic job, not the freedom to do any job that the professor so chooses. Fish insists that a professor's only obligation is "to present the material in the syllabus and introduce students to state-of-the-art methods of analysis. Not to practice politics, but to study it; not to proselytize for or against religious doctrines, but to describe them; not to affirm or condemn Intelligent Design, but to explain what it is and analyze its appeal." Given that hot-button issues such as Holocaust denial, free speech, and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict are regularly debated in classrooms across the nation, Save the World On Your Own Time is certain to spark fresh debate-and to incense both liberals and conservatives alike-about the true purpose of higher education in America. "A vigorous defense of that abstemious understanding of the teacher's task, laced with numerous examples of its egregious violation." -First Things "Exhilarating, the thought polished and white-hot, this book makes the reader think and often wince, especially teachers like me who have aged out of the intellectual into the easy and congenial. A close reading of Save the World should purge much nonsense from classrooms." -Sam Pickering, author of Letters to a Teacher

Despite the disasters of Iraq, Afghanistan, Syria and ever more visible evidence of the horrors of war, the concepts of 'Humanitarian Intervention' and 'Just War' enjoy widespread legitimacy and continue to exercise an unshakeable grip on our imaginations. Robin Dunford and Michael Neu provide a clear and comprehensive critique of both Just War Theory and the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) doctrine, deconstructing the philosophical, moral and political arguments that underpin them. In doing so, they show how proponents of Just War and R2P have tended to treat killing in a way which obscures the complex and often messy reality of war, and pays little heed to the human impact of such conflicts. Going further, they provide answers to such difficult questions as 'Surely it would have been just for us to intervene in the Rwandan genocide?' An essential guide to one of the most difficult moral and political issues of our age.

This book is the product of a multiyear dialogue between leading human rights theorists and high-level representatives of international human rights nongovernmental organizations (INGOs) sponsored by the United Nations University, Tokyo, and the City University of Hong Kong. It is divided into three parts that reflect the major ethical challenges discussed at the workshops: the ethical challenges associated with interaction between relatively rich and powerful Northern-based human rights INGOs and recipients of their aid in the South; whether and how to collaborate with governments that place severe restrictions on the activities of human rights INGOs; and the tension between expanding organization mandate to address more fundamental social and economic problems and restricting it for the sake of focusing on more immediate and clearly identifiable violations of civil and political rights. Each section contains contributions from both theorists and practitioners of human rights.

Terrorism and International Law: Accountability, Remedies, and Reform, researched and written by the International Bar Association's Task Force on International Terrorism, examines the developments in international law and practice in this dynamic and often controversial area. The Task Force comprises world famous jurists and, chaired by Justice Richard Goldstone, provides authoritative expert analysis of the operation and application of international law to terrorism and provides recommendations for reform.
This title covers developments in the counter-terrorism policies and practice of individual states and international and regional organizations. It examines the framework of derogations and national security limitations in international human rights law, as well as clarifying when international humanitarian law applies to terrorism and counter-terrorism. This title provides a global overview of counter-terrorism, including but not restricted to the US-led 'war on terror', by considering case law and examples of state practice from all continents.
The chapters cover the framework of international conventions against terrorism; international humanitarian law; international human rights law; the investigation and prosecution of terrorist crimes and of international crimes committed in the course of counter-terrorism; state responsibility for internationally unlawful acts as relating to terrorism and counter-terrorism; reform in counter-terrorism; and victims' right to a remedy and reparations. The book closes with conclusions and recommendations from the IBA Task Force on areas for reform and focuses on how the international community can ensure respect for human rights and the rule of law when responding to the threat of terrorism.

This work explores the contribution that international law may make to the resolution of culture conflicts - political disputes between the members of different ethno-cultural groups - in democratic States. International law recognises that persons belonging to minorities have the right to enjoy their own culture and peoples have the right to self-determination without detailing how these principles are to be put into effect. The emergence of democracy as a legal obligation of States permits the international community to concern itself with both the procedure and substance of 'democratic' decisions concerning ethno-cultural groups. Democracy is not to be understood simply as majority rule. Cultural conflicts in democratic States must be resolved in a way that is either acceptable or defensible and defeasible to all citizens, including persons belonging to ethno-cultural minorities. Democracy, Minorities and International Law examines the implications of this recognition.

The concept of obligations erga omnes - obligations to the international community as a whole - has fascinated international lawyers for decades, yet its precise implications remain unclear. This book assesses how this concept affects the enforcement of international law. It shows that all States are entitled to invoke obligations erga omnes in proceedings before the International Court of Justice, and to take countermeasures in response to serious erga omnes breaches. In addition, it suggests ways of identifying obligations that qualify as erga omnes. In order to sustain these results, the book conducts a thorough examination of international practice and jurisprudence as well as the recent work of the UN International Law Commission in the field of State responsibility. By so doing, it demonstrates that the erga omnes concept is now solidly grounded in modern international law, and clarifies one of the central aspects of the international regime of law enforcement.

This ambitious 2005 volume is a history of war, from the standpoint of international law, from the beginning of history to the present day. Its primary focus is on legal conceptions of war as such, rather than on the substantive or technical aspects of the law of war. It tells the story, in narrative form, of the interplay, through the centuries, between, on the one hand, legal ideas about war and, on the other hand, state practice in warfare. Its coverage includes reprisals, civil wars, UN enforcement and the war on terrorism. This book will interest historians, students of international relations and international lawyers.

In 1995, the International Committee of the Red Cross, along with a range of renowned experts, embarked upon a major international study into current state practice in humanitarian law in order to identify customary law in this area. This book (and its companion, Volume 2: Practice) is the result of that study. Volume 1 is a comprehensive analysis of the customary rules of international humanitarian law applicable in international and non-international armed conflicts.

This volume is a collection of the key writings of Professor Ramesh Thakur on norms and laws regulating the international use of force.

The adoption of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) principle by world leaders assembled at the UN summit in 2005 is widely acknowledged to represent one of the great normative advances in international politics since 1945. The author has been involved in this shift from the dominant norm of non-intervention to R2P as an actor, public intellectual and academic and has been a key thinker in this process. These essays represent the author's writings on R2P, including reference to test cases as they arose, such as with Cyclone Nargis in Myanmar in 2008.

Comprising essays by a key thinker and agent in the Responsibility to Protect debates, this book will be of much interest to students of international politics, human rights, international law, war and conflict studies, international security and IR in general.

In order to ensure its absolute authority, the Tokyo War Crimes Tribunal (1946-1948), the Japanese counterpart of the Nuremberg Trial, adopted a three-tier structure for its interpreting: Japanese nationals interpreted the proceedings, second-generation Japanese-Americans monitored the interpreting, and Caucasian U.S. military officers arbitrated the disputes. The first extensive study on the subject in English, this book explores the historical and political contexts of the trial as well as the social and cultural backgrounds of the linguists through trial transcripts in English and Japanese, archival documents and recordings, and interviews with those who were involved in the interpreting. In addition to a detailed account of the interpreting, the book examines the reasons for the three-tier system, how the interpreting procedures were established over the course of the trial, and the unique difficulties faced by the Japanese-American monitors. This original case study of the Tokyo War Crimes Tribunal illuminates how complex issues such as trust, power, control and race affect interpreting at international tribunals in times of conflict.

Countries throughout the world are grappling with the practical and moral issues raised by increasing numbers of refugees. Matthew Gibney's book asks how Western countries should respond to the claims of refugees who arrive on their territory, and relates the question to wider issues surrounding immigration, citizenship and the responsibilities of democracies. Examining policy in the United States, Germany, the United Kingdom and Australia, this book offers an important contribution to a highly topical subject.

The book makes a comprehensive analysis of the basic principles and theories of military law, restructuring the theoretic framework of military law. It also puts forwards the new concepts of "core military law" and "international military law" for the first time in China, and even the world. The book could help legal scholars and lawyers, especially military lawyers and research fellows in military law, to have a new approach to study military law.

In this book, self-defence against non-state actors is examined by three scholars whose geographical, professional, theoretical, and methodological backgrounds and outlooks differ greatly. Their trialogue is framed by an introduction and a conclusion by the series editors. The novel scholarly format accommodates the pluralism and value changes of the current era, a shifting world order and the rise in nationalism and populism. It brings to light the cultural, professional and political pluralism which characterises international legal scholarship and exploits this pluralism as a heuristic device. This multiperspectivism exposes how political factors and intellectual styles influence the scholarly approaches and legal answers and the trialogical structure encourages its participants to decentre their perspectives. By explicitly focussing on the authors' divergence and disagreement, a richer understanding of self-defence against non-state actors is achieved, and the legal challenges and possible ways ahead identified.

Millions of people are forced today to flee persecution. The core international legal instrument on which they must rely to find safety is the 1951 Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees. This book examines key challenges the Convention faces, on the basis of nine papers by eminent international refugee lawyers, which were then discussed at an expert roundtable meeting in 2001 as part of UNHCR's Global Consultations on International Protection. The papers are published here in one volume, together with the conclusions of the roundtables and other documents.

Seit 2003 hat sich die Europaische Union in mehr als zwanzig militarischen und zivilen Operationen engagiert. Spezifika der Europaischen Sicherheits- und Verteidigungspolitik (ESVP) sind zum einen ihre starke politische Pragung und zum anderen ihre Einbettung in das europaische Mehrebenensystem. Die Arbeit untersucht die verschiedenen Ebenen der europaischen Verteidigungsstrukturen vom Ausgangspunkt der Operation "Artemis." Die erste Problemlage "Streitkrafte im europaischen Verfassungsrecht" behandelt Fragen in Bezug auf die "Gewaltenteilung" im Rahmen der ESVP und die (parlamentarische) Legitimation von Streitkraften, die im Bereich solcher Operationen eingesetzt werden. Die zweite Ebene untersucht Befehlsketten und die Zurechnung von Verantwortung fur Entscheidungen, die in der ESVP gefallt werden. Die dritte Ebene geht der Frage nach, inwieweit die EU inhaltlich an das Volkerrecht gebunden ist, und welche Rolle sie im "conflict-management" der Vereinten Nationen spielt.

"The genocide in Rwanda showed us how terrible the consequences of inaction can be in the face of mass murder. But the conflict in Kosovo raised equally important questions about the consequences of action without international consensus and clear legal authority. On the one hand, is it legitimate for a regional organization to use force without a UN mandate? On the other, is it permissible to let gross and systematic violations of human rights, with grave humanitarian consequences continue unchecked?" (United Nations Secretrary-General Kofi Annan). This book is a comprehensive, integrated discussion of `the dilemma' of humanitarian intervention. Written by leading analysts of international politics, ethics, and law, it seeks, among other things, to identify strategies that may, if not resolve, at least reduce the current tension between human rights and state sovereignty. Humanitarian Intervention is an invaluable contribution to the debate on all aspects of this vital global issue. J.L. Holzgrefe is a Visiting Research Scholar in the Department of Political Science, Duke University. He is a former Lecturer in International Relations at the University of St. Andrews, Scotland, and visiting scholar at the Center of International Studies, Princeton University, the Center for International Affairs, Harvard University, and elsewhere. He was educated at Monash University, Australia and Balliol College, Oxford. He has published on the history of international relations thought. Robert O. Keohane is James B. Duke Professor of Political Science, Duke University. He is interested in the role played by governance in world politics, and in particular on how international institutions and transnational networks operate. He is the author of After Hegemony: Cooperation and Discord in the World Political Economy (Princeton, 1984), for which he was awarded the second annual Grawemeyer Award in 1989 for Ideas Improving World Order. He is also the author of International Institutions and State Power: Essays in International Relations Theory (Westview, 1989), co-author of Power and Independence: World Politics in Transition (Little, Brown, 1977; 3rd edition 2001), and co-author of Designing Social Inquiry: Scientific Inference in Qualitative Research (Princeton, 1994). He is a fellow of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences and has been the recipient of a Guggenheim fellowship.

The book explores recent developments in the international and national prosecution of persons accused of committing war crimes and crimes against humanity. It considers the relationship between national and international law, science and practice, with emphasis on the emerging principle of universial jurisdiction and the effect of "the war on terror" on legal norms.

This publication assists readers (be they academics, students, practitioners, experts or migrants themselves) to better orientate themselves in the web of norms and principles existing at the international level. The focus of the compendium is on bringing together a comprehensive compilation of universal instruments with varying degrees of legal force from authoritative international treaties, through customary international law, to the sets of principles and guidelines, which, although non-binding, are nonetheless of clear contemporary relevance and can contribute to the progressive development of law in areas not covered by 'hard' norms.

This volume of specially commissioned articles by leading authorities in the field shows how the subject of human rights impacts on contemporary politics and on the discipline of political science. It assesses the role of human rights in political theory, international law and international relations, and the politics of different regions of the world, including Europe, Africa, the Middle East, Southeast Asia and Latin America.

Besides broad regional and international surveys, subjects treated include: the question of collective rights, relativism and universalism, the future of social and economic rights, the role of NGO's and international organisations, the Vienna world conference, human rights in US foreign policy. An editorial introduction considers the place of human rights in the politics curriculum. An international group of contributors includes political scientists, political philosophers, academic lawyers and those with experience of human rights campaigning.

International organizations have become major players on the international scene, whose acts and activities affect individuals, companies and states. Damage to interests or violation of rights sometimes occur (such as during peacekeeping operations). Wellens considers the remedies available to potential claimants such as private contractors, staff members or anyone suffering damage. Can they turn to an ombudsman or national courts, or do they have to rely on support by their own state? Are the remedies provided by international organizations adequate? Wellens' study includes suggestions for alternative remedial options.