Based on original Stasi and Communist Party archival sources, this text uncovers why East Germany was for two decades running one of the most successful nations in the Summer and Winter Olympics, and explores how the central elite sports system was beset by internal tensions and disputes.

Grounded in extensive and original ethnographic fieldwork, this book makes a novel contribution to migration studies by examining a European labour migration to the Global South, namely contemporary Portuguese migration to Angola in a postcolonial context. In doing so, it explores everyday encounters at work between the Portuguese migrants and their Angolan "hosts", and it analyses how the Luso-African postcolonial heritage interplays with the recent Portuguese-Angolan migration in the (re-)construction of power relations and identities. Based on ethnographic interviews, the book describes the Angolan-Portuguese relationship as characterized not only by hierarchies of power, but also by ambivalence and hybridity. This research demonstrates that the identities of the ex-colonized Angolan and the Portuguese ex-colonizer are shaped by a history of unequal and violent power relations. Further, it reveals how this history has produced a sense of intimacy between the two, and the often fraught nature of this relationship. Combining a strong connection to the field of migration studies with a postcolonial perspective, this original work will appeal to students and scholars of migration, postcolonial studies, the sociology of work and African Studies.

During the 1930s, a battle was waged over both philosophy and policy between those who described themselves as liberals, both inside and outside the Roosevelt administration. On one side were those who viewed themselves as modern liberals, who saw capitalism as a failure and sought to replace it with a collectivist society and economy. On the other were more traditional American liberals or progressives who aimed merely to reform capitalism, in the belief that individual liberty and a free economy were synonymous. This study examines the role of each during this vital decade. Instead of reaching its high point in the New Deal years, Best argues, American liberalism retreated from most of its major tenets as a result of the popularity of collectivism.

Challenging existing stereotypes and conventional wisdom concerning the 1930s, this study delves into the controversy between the new liberals and the free enterprise group. Included in this latter category were the Brandeisians, who exercised considerable influence within the Roosevelt administration, as well as a variety of more traditional liberals who worked through other channels to achieve their goals. Many of those who called themselves liberals in the 1930s had, Best contends, actually abandoned their basic liberal tenets. This included the president as well.

This book aims to provide an important insight into the essence of Putinism and the political system he has established in Russia over the past decade. Van Herpen compares in detail the many and often surprising parallels that exist between Vladimir Putin's regime in Russia and that of Weimar Germany and Mussolini's Italy indicating the presence of strong Fascist elements in the contemporary Russian Political system. However, this is tempered with elements of Bonapartism from Napoleon III's France and the populism of Italian politics under Berlusconi creating a hybrid system which has been termed 'Fascism-Lite' with a softer face than Mussolinian Fascism but still containing a hard core of ultra-nationalism, militarism and neo-imperialism. The author not only looks at Putin's regime in retrospect but also offers an insight into the future of the Russian political system as Russia's strong man begins his third term in office.

Situating Gorbachev and perestroika historically and ideologically, this book provides a comprehensive analysis of Soviet political economy in the context of socialist theory and seven decades of its application in the Soviet Union. A. F. Dowlah challenges the belief that socialism is sternly committed to centralized economic and political structures, and claims that socialism contains several theories, some more decentralized or democratic, others more authoritarian. Although the contemporary crisis in the socialist economies powerfully challenges the foundations of socialist theory and practice, Gorbachev, up until the coup attempt of August 1991, claimed that perestoika embodied more socialism, not less, and he was looking within the socialist tradition to solve contemporary Soviet problems. This work examines Gorbachev's claim and evaluates perestroika as a strategy of transition to a new variant of socialism. Based on thorough inquiry, textual evidence, and historical facts, the study concludes that Gorbachev's claims are substantially legitimate, and that a democratic version of socialism is possible within the Russian socialist tradition. It remains to be seen, however, in light of recent political and economic developments, whether this, or some more radical set of reforms, will emerge in Gorbachev's troubled economy.

Designed for student research, this one-stop resource contains a wealth of information, reference material, and analysis of the collapse of communism in the Soviet Union. Combining narrative description, analytical essays, lengthy biographical profiles, and the text of key primary documents, Watson examines the reasons for the decline and fall of the Soviet Union and its ruling Communist party in 1991. Five essays provide a historical overview of the rise and fall of the Soviet brand of communism; the evolution of GorbacheV's perestroika reform policies; the costly Soviet imperial legacy and the ten-year Afghan war; nationalism and the dissolution of Soviet unity; and post-Soviet Russia under the leadership of Boris Yeltsin. Ready-reference features include: a timeline of key events; biographical profiles of 15 leaders involved in the decline and fall of Soviet communism; the text of 22 documents including writings by Gorbachev, Yeltsin and other key figures; a glossary of terms; and an annotated bibliography of print and video materials. Photos and maps complement the text.

Five essays examine how costly internal and external imperial policies, a poorly functioning economy, and rising nationalism among subject populations contributed to the demise of the Soviet empire. Watson shows that GorbacheV's perestroika reforms, intended to reform the party and the nation, ironically hastened the end, and that the August 1991 coup attempt sealed the fate of Soviet communism. The documents illustrate the reform attempt by Gorbachev and his trail-blazing economic advisors; party opposition to his reforms; the August 1991 coup attempt; the subsequent collapse of the party and the Soviet Union; and the creation of the Commonwealth of Independent States. The biographies explain the careers of individuals involved in the decline and fall of Soviet communism, including the last four Soviet leaders, whose policies inadvertently led to the demise of the system; the principal opponents of the reform; the leaders of the August 1991 coup attempt; the first post-Soviet leader of Russia, Boris Yeltsin; and the first post-Soviet Communist party leader in Russia, Gennady Zyuganov. This comprehensive resource is ideal for student research.

How realistic is peace in the Middle East? Certainly there appears to be a reduction in conflict, and concrete improvements are clearly visible: the Gulf War opened the door to regional realignments that paved the way for the PLO-Israel peace agreement, which in turn made peace negotiations possible between Israel and Syria; Lebanon is rebuilding its cities following a cessation of its civil war; Iran has evidenced signs of a rapprochement with the West.
Yet some analysts predict that these changes are doomed to failure. With its longstanding territorial disputes and pronounced ethnic and religious divides, will this troubled region ever resolve its conflicts? Pessimists further contend that vexed problems such as gender relations and human rights violations remain unaffected by the processes of international political readjustment.
This provocative and interdisciplinary book tackles these controversial questions from a wide range of perspectives in an effort to unravel the complexities of this exciting area, which is the spotlight of tremendous global concern -- never more so than at the present.

Greta Kuckhoff belonged to the anti-Nazi resistance group 'The Red Orchestra' and was condemned to death in 1943. Her sentence was later commuted to imprisonment and she was liberated by the Red Army in 1945. She spent the next thirty years working to commemorate the group's antifascist resistance. Through radio broadcasts, letters, exhibitions, journal articles, film, and autobiography, she fought against Cold War narratives which condemned the group as traitors or hailed them as Soviet spies. Using previously unpublished archival sources, this book traces the fascinating life writings of this key figure from the GDR. It draws attention to gendered politics of remembering, to the role of memories of the Holocaust, and to the political identities offered by these diverse forms of commemoration. In doing so, it provocatively intervenes in the contentious debates about remembering antifascism in contemporary Germany.

This book explores the development of navigation in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. It examines the role of men of science, seamen and practitioners across Europe, and the realities of navigational practice, showing that old and new methods were complementary not exclusive, their use dependent on many competing factors.

Part of a definitive English-language edition, prepared in collaboration with the Institute of Marxism-Leninism in Moscow, which contains all the works of Marx and Engels, whether published in their lifetimes or since. The series includes their complete correspondence and newly discovered works.

Sicker examines the fundamental norms of civic conduct considered essential to the emergence and moral viability of the good society envisioned in the source documents and traditions of Judaism. The principles underlying the desired behavioral norms constitute the ethical underpinnings of the unique civilization envisioned by Mosaic teaching, a Judaic civilization characterized by instituted norms of civil conduct deemed necessary to ensure appropriate civil relations between persons, individually and collectively.The tensions in Judaic thought regarding the concept of democracy as a paradigm for Judaic government are examined, including the theological as well as moral implications of democracy that cast doubt on its appropriateness as a political ideal. Sicker considers the role of popular consent as a legitimating factor in the Judaic polity, and the distinctively Judaic approach to the ordering of civil relations in society within the constitutional context of a nomocratic regime based on halakhah, Judaism's own dynamic system of canon law. Three fundamental societal issues are then explored. The status of the individual within the properly constituted society and the relationship of the citizen to the state. Included in this discussion is the question of the legitimacy of civil disobedience. Sicker examines the practical implications for public policy of the Judaic imperatives regarding social justice and the idea of prescriptive equality. He then takes a hard look at the classical Judaic approach to dealing with the problems of ensuring national security within the context of Judaic norms.

Birken challenges the conventional wisdom that Hitlerism was a revolt against Western values. Utilizing Adolph Hitler's major writings, speeches, and recorded conversations, this path-breaking study in intellectual history delineates the relationship of Nazism to other European ideologies, both past and present. National Socialism, Birken maintains, was nothing less than an attempt to create a metaphysical foundation for the German nation-state after both the Frankfurt Assembly and the Bismarckian pseudo-Reich had failed to do so. In this context, Hitler can be seen as the last great exponent of the Enlightenment tradition that glorified fraternity. However, by grounding German nationalism in race, Hitler sent his country on a path toward destruction in the Second World War. Birken closes with the warning that our current failure to provide a post-modern substitute for nationalism invites the reassertion of the Enlightenment obsessions of nation and race. Speculative and far-reaching, this book will stimulate the current debate over nationalism and will be of interest to students of politics and the social sciences as well as German history buffs.

"Hindutva" in India is a chauvinist and majoritarian political ideology that conjures up the image of a peaceful Hindu Self vis-a-vis the threatening minority Other. It is "porno-nationalism" in its obsessive preoccupation with the predatory sexuality of the putative Muslim figure and the dangers to the integrity of the Hindu bodies. The proponents of "Hindutva" mobilize and generate negative stereotypes of Islam and putative Muslims to legitimize violence against actual Muslims living in India. Adopting a critical ethnographic approach, this book investigates myriad ways in which the discourses of culture, insecurity, gender, identity, and violence intersect in Hindu nationalism's reactionary and right-wing politics of fear and imagination.

Based on case studies, this book analyzes a recent wave of social movement and protests in the twenty-first century. It has two overarching broadly defined themes: first, to identify commonalities across the social movements and protests in terms of strategies, desire, hopes as well as the main factors in the decline of the movements. And second, to underline the significance of the general economic, social, and political conditions in which these protests arose. Although there are specific national and local context-specific reasons for the protests observed in different countries, the gradual integration of the post-war neo-liberal hegemonic world order is the fundamental overarching structural factor behind these protests. From Turkey to Spain, Greece to Mexico, and the Netherlands to the U.S., this book observes that the "outsiders" of the system resist against the oppression of the neo-liberal world system.

This edited collection addresses the state of liberalism in light of recent crises and shifts within the international system. As economic growth stagnates in the West, power is shifting away from liberalism's heartlands. Liberalism is under attack, both as explanatory theory and as normative prescription. Will liberalism be able to surmount the theoretical and real-world challenges it faces today?
In this volume, leading 21st-century thinkers provide their perspectives on the continuing role of the liberal paradigm, both as a theoretical approach to international relations, and as an ordering principle of international politics. The contributors examine liberalism's ability to function in view of its internal contradictions and the increasing complexity of a globalized world; assessing its future in view of the power shifts and political transformations in the international system and providing novel ways of thinking about liberalism's role, both in its practical workings and intellectual implications.
The range of international contributors to this volume include Jonathan Caverley, Philip G. Cerny, Michael Cox, Louise Fawcett, G. John Ikenberry, Beate Jahn, Charles A. Kupchan, Margot Light, Cornelia Navari, Nicholas Rengger, Christian Reus-Smit, Nabarun Roy, Frank Schimmelfennig, Brian C. Schmidt, Peter Trubowitz and Ren Xiao.

This Book, "Civil Disobedience in Cameroon," written by Justice Aloysius Nelson Taku Mbu, reveal the effect of the cumulative events from 1961 to 1990, precipitated by the enlargement of the presidential powers without corresponding safeguards for the protection of freedom under Cameroons advanced democracy.

He analyzed the high tide of unitarism, where poverty and inequality dominates to create a class for the poor and the rich by giving favors and encouraging blackmail, mismanagement, falsity, deception and manipulative electioneering. The majority culture further thought that they could freely assimilate and at the same time treat the other minority part as of no significant consequence because they are Lucifers in heaven. "les enemies dans la maison"]

The immediate result was a nonviolent civil disobedience which began in Bamenda. The Cameroonians of English expression hold dearly that 1] benevolent freedom is an essential element in the content of all democratic constitutions 2] it is incorporated as a contract between the citizens and the government to guarantee good governance and protection for their persons, property, liberty and happiness without let or hindrance; 3] freedom is both a blessing and birthright from God, and 4] on it fundamental human rights are planted, nurtured and blossom to bring dignity, love and peace profound to all and sundry. The government failed in its ploy for good governance, resorted to threats, intimidation, and force to oppress the people without the litmus test.

Justice Mbu has been an eye witness to the events of this transformation in political, social and economic changes that make Cameroon never to be the same again. He is retired with his family and resides in Maryland USA.

"Fanonian Practices in South Africa" examines Frantz Fanon's relevance to contemporary South African politics, and by extension, research on postcolonial Africa and the tragic development of postcolonies. Here leading Fanon scholar Nigel C. Gibson offers theoretically informed historical analysis, providing crucial scholarly insights into the circumstances that led to the current hegemony of neoliberalism in South Africa.

In recent years, nations, nationalism, and the nation-state have enjoyed a resurgence of scholarly interest. The focus on the twentieth century and in particular the post-colonial and post-socialist era, however, has neglected the crucial developmental phase of modern nationalism, when basic patterns were created that were to exert long-term influence on the political culture of nations in and outside Europe. This book examines how gender and nation legitimize and limit the access of individuals and groups to national movements and the resources of nation-state. From problems of inclusion, exclusion and difference, national wars and military systems to national symbols, rituals and myths, contributors present a diverse array of critical perspectives, methodological approaches, and case-studies that are intellectually provocative and will help to guide future research as well as orient it toward international comparison.This book raises new questions about nation and gender and provides an assessment of the state of research in different countries for all those interested in cultural and social history, politics, anthropology and gender studies.

The chapters in this volume provide a varied yet consistent analysis of the ways in which ideologies have been used, misused, or abandoned in Latin America in the twentieth century. The volume offers scholars and students a challenging collection of interpretations of and explanations for the ways in which ideologues and ideologies have played a crucial role in the political development of the continent. And, while illuminating key reasons for the rise and fall of specific ideologies and their repeated betrayal throughout the century--from anarchism to communism, to socialism, to Peronism, to neoliberalism--the volume indicates how much there is still left to learn about the importance of ideological discourse in the mind and polity of Latin America. With chapters examining Mexico, Chile, Cuba, Paraguay, and Argentina, this work will be of interest to all Latin Americanists.

"Conservative Intellectuals and Richard Nixon" explores the relationship between postwar conservatives and the president from 1968 to 1974. Seemingly casting those years out of their history, conservatives have never fully explored how Richard Nixon affected their movement. They fail to realize the extent his presidency helped refocus their fight against liberalism and communism.""Mergel uses the Nixon years as a window into the Right's effort to turn ideology into successful politics. It""combines an assessment of Nixon's presidency through the eyes of conservative intellectuals with an attempt to understand what the Right gained from its experience with Nixon.