A groundbreaking history of China's Great Famine: winner of the BBC Samuel Johnson Prize 2011 'A gripping and masterful portrait of the brutal court of Mao, based on new research but also written with great narrative verve' Simon Sebag Montefiore 'Harrowing and brilliant' Ben Macintyre 'A critical contribution to Chinese history' Wall Street Journal Between 1958 and 1962, 45 million Chinese people were worked, starved or beaten to death. Mao Zedong threw his country into a frenzy with the Great Leap Forward, an attempt to catch up with and overtake the West in less than fifteen years. It led to one of the greatest catastrophes the world has ever known. Dikotter's extraordinary research within Chinese archives brings together for the first time what happened in the corridors of power with the everyday experiences of ordinary people, giving voice to the dead and disenfranchised. This groundbreaking account definitively recasts the history of the People's Republic of China.

From the Hardcover
"We stormed every classroom, inscribed our slogans on the blackboard . . . Never had mayhem brought more peace. All our lives we had been taught the virtues of behaving, and now we were discovering the importance of misbehaving. Too much fear had tainted our days. Too many afternoons had passed in silence, listening to a fanatic's diatribes. We were rebelling because we were not evil, we had not sinned, and we knew nothing of the apocalypse. . . . This was 1979, the year that showed us we could make our own destinies. We were rebelling because rebelling was all we could do to quell the rage in our teenage veins. Together as girls we found the courage we had been told was not in us."
In Journey from the Land of No Roya Hakakian recalls her childhood and adolescence in prerevolutionary Iran with candor and verve. The result is a beautifully written coming-of-age story about one deeply intelligent and perceptive girl's attempt to i^?nd an authentic voice of her own at a time of cultural closing and repression. Remarkably, she manages to re-create a time and place dominated by religious fanaticism, violence, and fear with an open heart and often with great humor.
Hakakian was twelve years old in 1979 when the revolution swept through Tehran. The daughter of an esteemed poet, she grew up in a household that hummed with intellectual life. Family gatherings were punctuated by witty, satirical exchanges and spontaneous recitations of poetry. But the Hakakians were also part of the very small Jewish population in Iran who witnessed the iron fist of the Islamic fundamentalists increasingly tightening its grip. It is with the innocent confusion of youth that Royadescribes her discovery of a swastika--"a plus sign gone awry, a dark reptile with four hungry claws"--painted on the wall near her home. As a schoolgirl she watched as friends accused of reading blasphemous books were escorted from class by Islamic Society guards, never to return. Only much later did Roya learn that she was spared a similar fate because her teacher admired her writing.
Hakakian relates in the most poignant, and at times painful, ways what life was like for women after the country fell into the hands of Islamic fundamentalists who had declared an insidious war against them, but we see it all through the eyes of a strong, youthful optimist who somehow came up in the world believing that she was different, knowing she was special. At her loneliest, Roya discovers the consolations of writing while sitting on the rooftop of her house late at night. There, "pen in hand, I led my own chorus of words, with a melody of my own making." And she discovers the craft that would ultimately enable her to find her own voice and become her own person.
A wonderfully evocative story, Journey from the Land of No reveals an Iran most readers have not encountered and marks the debut of a stunning new talent.

* Only synthesis of presidential transitions written by an historian * No direct competition * A synthetic work that brings in important archival research to strengthen its offering * Examining the transitions sheds light on how foreign policies are formulated in the United States government

The National Health Service has provided Britain's healthcare since 1948. This institution has been the subject of tense political debate since its inception and has undergone a number of complex reforms and restructures. But the meanings of the NHS are not only - or even primarily - lived out in politics. Nearly every Briton comes into contact with the NHS - from cradle to grave - and this system of healthcare shapes society, culture and everyday life. This book charts these multiple meanings, looking at the NHS as a site of work, activism and consumerism, as a space and in cultural representations. Looking in these ways, the book shows how and why the NHS has become a symbol of Britishness and an object of fierce protectiveness, even love, today. -- .

This book reveals that 1969-74 was a crucial period for the special relationship. The Heath Government attempted to reverse Britains decline as a great power by forging an American-European special relationship out of the Anglo-American relationship. Simultaneously the Nixon Administration tried to recoup the global position of the United States.

Ben Vautier, Niki De Saint Phalle, Francois Morellet, Louise Bourgeois, Alexandre Hollan, Claude Viallat, Sophie Calle, Bernard Pages, Jean-Pierre Pincemin, Annette Messager, Gerard Titus-Carmel: eleven major French artists of the last forty years or so, examined in the light of their uniqueness and their rootedness, the specificities of their differing and at times overlapping plastic practices and the swirling and often highly hybridised conceptions entertained in regard to such practices. Thus does analysis range from discussion of the feisty, Fluxus-inspired, free-spirited funkiness of Ben Vautier s work to the various modes of transcendence of trauma and haunting fear generated by the exceptional gestures of Niki de Saint Phalle and Louise Bourgeois, to the alyrical formalism yet imbued with irony and ludicity of Francois Morellet, through to the serene intensities of Alexandre Hollan s "vies silencieuses," the infinite a-signatures of Claude Viallat s adventure in the sheer joy of a "poiein" of self-reflexive coloration, the powerfully elegant and muscular disarticulations of Bernard Pages sculpture, the great sweep through art s history implied by Jean-Pierre Pincemin s chameleon-like gestures, the vast swirling programme of socio-psychological analysis the arts of Annette Messager and Sophie Calle offer in their radically distinctive manners, the obsessively serialised oeuvre of Gerard Titus-Carmel allowing a burrowing deep into the opaque logic of a real though dubious presence to the world .

France has long been a deeply political country. At least since the French Revolution, the country and its people have felt themselves to be at the forefront of history - a great power with global ambitions. But the Second World War irrevocably changed France's place in the world. Despite Charles de Gaulle's attempts to restore France's 'grandeur' in the 1960s, since 1945 the French have been forced to reconcile themselves to their modest place at the heart of a changing Europe. What impact has this had on political life? How have the French reimagined the revolutionary, republican and reactionary ideologies that have been so crucial to the country's modern history? How has the arrival of hundreds of thousands of postcolonial migrants transformed politics? These are just some of the questions that are addressed in "France since the 1970s." Multi-authored by leading scholars from across the globe, it explores how the French have dealt with the pervasive sense of uncertainty that has become a defining feature of European politics since the late 1960s. The book is essential reading for anyone interested in the modern political history of Europe.

This book is about the metamorphosis of national ideology in Ba'thist Iraq. By "ideology" the reference is to a very broad sense of the term, closer to a "collection of political proposals...somewhat intellectualistic" than to a comprehensive world view or an interpretation of history fully, systematically and rigorously thought out, presented and elaborated. Speeches by leading politicans, historiography and the writings of intellectuals in regard to Iraq's political community, are considered here as ideology, even if these ideas do not constitute a complete "politico-social programme".;This book is an attempt to follow and analyze the change in the Ba'th party's perception and representation of Iraq as a political community. By resurrecting and imbuing with great national significance elements previously rejected, ignored or downplayed in Ba'th ideology such as territory, race and local pre-Islamic and pre-Arab historical epochs, the Ba'th regime of Iraq has sought to re-shape the collective identification of its countrymen. In several cases, this reshaping took the form of re-enforcing and fully legitimizing an already existing identification that hitherto the party had looked

The second of a series, this study analyzes the historical relationships between the provision of military assistance and success in achieving Soviet aims during the Cold War. Mott looks at Soviet donor-recipient relationships across seventeen case studies to identify the generalities or regularities that relate the classical wartime relationship to achievement of donor Cold War aims. He refines the four critical features of the wartime donor-recipient relationship--convergence of donor and recipient aims, donor control, commitment of donor military forces, and coherence of donor policies and strategies--to reflect the unique political economic constraints of the Cold War. Findings challenge orthodox separation of politics, history, military science, and economics, and refute the common wisdom that economic aid is a more effective policy instrument than military assistance.

Mott contends that both successes and failures of Cold War Soviet military assistance were predictable, explicit consequences of donor policies and strategies and of convergence of donor and recipient aims. This book presents a pattern for both policy development and theoretical analysis in which military assistance is a viable, robust policy option and bilateral relationship with a clear set of requirements, features, processes, and predictable results. Its primary methodology is the search for uniformities across historical observations through low-level, ordinary, multivariate regressions. Each chapter focuses on Soviet military assistance in a region and refines the relevant features of the observed relationships into a tentative pattern for comparison with other regions.

A history of 1950s and 1960s British political culture, Redefining British Politics interrogates ideas, movements and identities bordering social and political change: consumer organisations; campaigns about TV, morality and culture; Young Conservatism; and how party politics used media like TV and was represented in popular culture.

Contesting France reveals the untold role of intelligence in shaping American perceptions of and policy towards France between 1944-1947, a critical period of the early Cold War when many feared that French Communists were poised to seize power. In doing so, it exposes the prevailing narrative of French unreliability, weakness, and communist intrigue apparent in diplomatic despatches and intelligence reports sent to the White House as both overblown and deeply contested. Likewise, it shows that local political factions, French intelligence and government officials, colonial officers, and various transnational actors in imperial outposts and in the metropole sought access to US intelligence officials in a deliberate effort to shape US policy for their own political post-war agendas. Based on extensive archival research in the US and France, Susan Perlman sheds new light on the nexus between intelligence and policymaking in the immediate post-war era.

This book details the development of British policy with regard to European integration during the Macmillan premiership. It is an account of how senior ministers and officials attempted, within the triple constraints of the British system of government, external pressure and domestic economic and political considerations, to strike a harmonious balance between the commercial interests and the political aspirations of the British people. The work raises fundamental questions about the role of the cabinet in the British system of government.

This book puts American policy in Southeast Asia and the traumatic events of the second Indochina War into the larger perspective of the Cold War. Levine's wide-ranging work treats everything from the local appeals of Communist parties in the region and the peculiarities of Vietnamese Communism to the development of the domino theory and its consequences, from helicopter warfare to the antiwar movement. Treating harshly some of the orthodoxies that have developed about Vietnam and scathing in its treatment of the Kennedy, Johnson, and Nixon administrations, it will interest scholars, students, and veterans of the conflict.

Predictions about the world have the power to grip whole societies, and shape the actions of many groups whether working in politics, ecology or religion. At the end of epochs and eras humans tend to reflect on the shape of things to come. Most recently, fears about the 'millennium bug' had thousands rushing to stock up on candles and food in the weeks before New Year's Eve.
Concerns about the future have been expressed differently throughout history. This book explores the historical context surrounding various debates, decisions and beliefs about the future in recent centuries. Religious, political, literary and ecological visions of the future in America and Germany are addressed comparatively. In particular, scholars from the United States and Germany explore the meaning of eschatological and utopian thoughts pursued during the last three centuries and tackle subjects ranging from science fiction to religious radicalism, utopian social experiments, and visions of race relations. This book delves into the hopes and fears for the future that have shaped the past and will be of interest to comparative historians as well as to historians of Europe and the United States intrigued by the subject of utopias.

Middle East oil and Anglo-American special relations were among the most contentious issues during the Cold War. Oil is crucial to our understanding of Britain's and the US's Cold War policies in the Middle East. This book presents an in-depth study of the issues of the period and the legacy of oil in the post-Cold war era.

This fascinating account, by a Czech-speaking American diplomat who lived in Czechoslovakia from 1967-1969, describes the collapse of a repressive Communist regime, the subsequent unprecedented explosion of popular freedom, the surprise Soviet occupation, and the spirited passive resistance of the population until the gradual strangulation of the Prague Spring. Drawing on his own journal, recent memoirs, and documentary materials in the National Archives, the author shows how American diplomats and senior U.S. officials analyzed and reacted to ongoing events. He explains how reform leader Alexander Dubcek became wedged between enthusiastic popular support and the objections of ultra-orthodox Soviet leaders. Skoug's economic and commercial responsibilities gave him considerable access to Czechoslovak officials even in the Novotny period, and he was an eyewitness to the invasion and many other crucial events of the period, including the great patriotic demonstration of March 1969 which the Soviet Union exploited to force Dubcek's resignation.

Despite overt Soviet pressure, neither Prague nor Washington anticipated intervention. The Johnson Administration, courting Moscow for help on Vietnam, displayed calculated indifference to the dispute and reacted tepidly to developments. Left alone, the Czechoslovak population met the invader with militant, if passive, resistance, but the Dubcek leadership capitulated to Soviet demands and acquiesced in an occupation that gradually betrayed all of the gains achieved. Subsequent reluctance by Washington to criticize Moscow helped the Soviet Union cut its diplomatic losses. On the other hand, the Czechoslavak crisis may have helped to persuade Gorbachev to allow Eastern Europe to resolve its own affairs in 1989.

The traumatic surreal is the first major study to examine the ground-breaking role played by Germanophone women artists working in surrealist traditions in responding to the traumatic events and legacies of the Second World War. Analysing works in a variety of media by leading artists and writers, the book redefines the post-war trajectories of surrealism and recalibrates critical understandings of the movement's relations to historical trauma. Chapters address artworks, writings and compositions by the Swiss Meret Oppenheim, the German Unica Zurn, the Austrian Birgit Jurgenssen, the Luxembourg-Austrian Bady Minck and the Austrian Olga Neuwirth and her collaboration with fellow Austrian Nobel-prize winning novelist Elfriede Jelinek. Locating each artist in their historical context, the book traces the development of the traumatic surreal through the wartime and post-war period. -- .

Stretching between the savannah and the equator, Sudan has one leg in the Arab world and the other in Africa. Political developments, however, have failed to reflect the differences within Sudan, resulting in political instability and a lack of national consensus - ultimately leading to long-term civil war.
This useful book provides a comprehensive introduction to contemporary Sudan from a social science perspective, outlining the evolution of the state with emphasis on its post-independence experience. It includes chapters on the history, politics, international relations and economy of the country.

"Dramatic and startling" -- The Guardian. Witness Barack Obama as you've never seen him before -- as feminist, communist, fashion model, Jew, Muslim terrorist, Messiah, Superman, George Washington, President Roosevelt, Julius Caesar and Hindu deity Lord Shiva. Obama: 101 Best Covers shows America's ex-president in all these guises and more, on the front pages of the world's leading print publications. NEW BARACK PHOTO BIOGRAPHY During his two terms in the White House, former US President Barack Obama amassed more newspaper and magazine covers than any other in history. This new post-presidency legacy book brings you the best 101 examples from around the world, in a special commemorative edition celebrating the startling event that was the 2008 election of America's first African American leader. It presents a unique visual biography of the background and accomplishments of his historic presidential campaign. OBAMA & NEW YORK TIMES Featured titles within this definitive collection include Time, Newsweek, Rolling Stone, Vogue, Vanity Fair, The New Yorker, Esquire, Ebony, Essence, Vibe, The Guardian and The New York Times, amongst others. Many of the covers featuring the 44th US president were flattering. He never looked better than when he featured on the front of The New York Times or Rolling Stone. (See pages 40 and 69 of the Obama book). DREAMS OF AUDACITY & HOPE Many Barack Obama biography and legacy books have been written by different authors in recent years. His autobiography, Dreams Of My Father, as well as his memoir, The Audacity Of Hope, detail Obama's life story better than any biography by another author could, while the photographic portraits offered in Obama books by Pete Souza and Peter Baker reveal the intimate access they had to the White House's first African American president during his two administrations. But this new legacy book enters the Barack Obama story in 2004 with his very first cover, for Black Enterprise, and then tracks Obama's US presidential campaigns and elections of 2008 and 2012 through a further 100 amazing covers. THE CALL OF HISTORY 2008 Amongst the print media, Barack Obama was a publishing sensation - a fact borne out by the volume of covers his portrait graced during his eight-year American presidency. They range from graphic illustrations to photographs of Obama giving speeches while on the campaign trail, right through to intimate studio portraits. Many depict him as the chosen one, the Messiah even. Obama was the one who, out of the many, answered the call of history many thought would never come, while exercising power that no other African American leader before him has ever wielded on the political and presidential stage. OBAMA: AN INTIMATE PORTRAIT IN WORDS The text for the Obama covers book discusses the design, typography, photography and political context of each cover portrait, bringing to life this unique portrait of the world's most famous man. BARACK: 4 COVERS FOR NO. 44 Obama: 101 Best Covers, is available in FOUR collectable editions, each with a different cover. As a souvenir, gift or inspirational Black History Month purchase for 2018, this is one the best Obama books with which to celebrate the former US president's tenure in the White House. NEW OBAMA BOOK: SUMMARY - Available in FOUR editions. - A bespoke souvenir -- EIGHT years in the making. - Features amazing covers you've never seen before. ONLINE BOOK CATEGORIES 2020 Biography & Autobiography History - African American Art, Architecture & Photography

Does history provide lessons for foreign policy makers today? Macdonald combines cognitive psychology theories about analogical reasoning, international relations theories about military intervention, and original archival research to analyze the role of historical information in foreign policy decision making. He looks at the role of historical analogies in Anglo-American decision making during foreign policy crises involving the possible use of force in regional contingencies during a crucial period in the 1950s when the West faced an emerging Soviet threat. This study analyzes the influence of situational and individual variables in a comparison of more than ten leaders from two nations facing four different crises. Rolling the Iron Dice describes the often significant effect of historical analogies on perceptions of the adversary and of allies, time constraints, policy options and risks, as well as the justification of policy in four crises: the 1950 Korean invasion; the 1951-53 Iranian oil nationalization incident; the 1956 Suez crisis; and the 1958 crisis in Lebanon and Jordan. Contrary to both the slippery slope and the escalation models of military intervention, Macdonald argues that leaders decide extremely early in a crisis, often on the basis of an historical analogy, but also based on perceptions of the rationality of an adversary, whether to use military force. Their decision does not change unless the adversary capitulates to every demand.

Brucan, a former Romanian ambassador to the United States and the United Nations, provides the first social history of the remarkable transition from communism to capitalism in Russia and Eastern Europe after the collapse of the Soviet Union. He begins with an examination of the old social structure in communist societies, which used to be cosmetically advertised by the party and officialdom, paying particular attention to the nomenklatura, who have miraculously transformed themselves into big businessmen and bankers. A chapter is devoted to the decline of the working class, whom Brucan shows to be the big loser in the revolution. He then examines the new social stratification, illustrating how the new classes are taking shape under the conditions created by market reform. The symbiosis between capital and power is analyzed in depth, and Ambassador Brucan concludes his study with a look at the direction the social transformations are pushing these societies, particularly the separate paths being followed by Russia and Eastern Europe. This is an important study for researchers, scholars, and policy makers involved with Russia and Eastern Europe.

There are winners and losers in a capitalistic society, but capitalism does not choose who is a winner and who is a loser. The winners are those who have the right idea, sacrifice their time and money, take risks, work hard, and have a little luck and help along the way. The losers are those who rarely dream of the impossible, waste their time, spend their money foolishly, lack the courage to take risks, and fail to dedicate themselves to achieving the rewards of their efforts. Winners should receive the greatest returns for their investments and the greatest of rewards for their endeavors. While wealth may be distributed unequally, it results more from an unequal dedication to acquire this wealth. That is not only right, but it is fair.

At the heart of capitalism is choice, one of success or failure, saving or spending, and work or recreation. Capitalism is a system that allows a person to choose whether he or she wants to be a winner or a loser. Today, too many have chosen the latter and display the unbecoming traits of greed, jealously, and envy toward those who have chosen the former.

While insecurity and instability may pervade this country's economic, political and societal institutions, success can still be achieved by those who look forward rather than backward, who avoid the disadvantages of the past to take advantage of the future. In "The Choices and Consequences of Our Age," you'll learn that it's still possible to achieve success through hard work, sacrifice, and self-reliance.

What makes people act against their own national identity?How real are the concepts of nationalism and patriotism? In what ways does the media control our perception of history in the making?This ground-breaking work addresses these important questions through an examination of the Algerian war of 1954-62 and the significant French resistance to their own leaders during the bitter conflict. Through the use of extensive interviews, it provides powerful insights into the clash of values that accompanied the war. In exploring the events and experiences that led a small minority of French people to reject colonialism in the wake of the Algerian conflict, Memories of Resistance focuses on the importance of political allegiances and ideologies, and the motivations for resisting them. The complex issues of identity and shared memory are examined to provide an indispensable analysis of loyalty and self-identity in the wider political context of the world. The book also debates the changing ways in which the media influences perceptions of, and attitudes towards, world events. Third World liberation ideas, personal experiences of French colonialism, memory and the significance of anti-Nazi resistance and political allegiances are all discussed in this wide-ranging and illuminating study.Memories of Resistance represents a major contribution to the theory and practice of oral history, which is fast becoming one of the most popular and dynamic areas of historical research and will be essential reading for anyone studying French colonial history.

In recent years, child migrants from Central America have arrived in the United States in unprecedented numbers. But whilst minors from Honduras, Guatemala and El Salvador make the perilous journey to the north, their Nicaraguan peers have remained in Central America. Nicaragua also enjoys lower murder rates and far fewer gang problems when compared with her neighbours. Why is Nicaragua so different? The present government has promulgated a discourse of Nicaraguan exceptionalism, arguing that Nicaragua is unique thanks to heritage of the 1979 Sandinista revolution. This volume critically interrogates that claim, asking whether the legacy of the revolution is truly exceptional. An interdisciplinary work, the book brings together historians, anthropologists and sociologists to explore the multifarious ways in which the revolutionary past continues to shape public policy - and daily life - in Nicaragua's tumultuous present.