This landmark study describes the momentous events from 1989 to 1991 that led up to German unification, explaining how and why they happened as they did, and analyzing them in relation to issues in comparative and international politics and to current theories in political science. Two specialists, one on Western Germany and the other on Eastern Germany, who were observers there during the period, provide the background for understanding trends in German and European politics in the early 1990s. This text is intended for students of European contemporary history, comparative politics, and international relations. This study links the current history of the peaceful revolution in Germany to an analysis of established theories in comparative politics. An introduction provides some historical background prior to 1989. The text goes on to define conditions in the two Germanies in 1989 and then launches into a discussion about the attitudes and expectations in the West as prospects for unity dawned. Careful attention is then given to the East German revolution and the March 1990 elections. Reasons are given for plans for the early unification of the two Germanies. Then the study focuses on the Federal Republic election of December 1990. The impact of these elections and the unification process on Germany and Europe and the world in the near future is discussed at some length. An appendix provides some basic information about Germany's system of government. A selected bibliography points to important primary and secondary sources.

Caught between the popular and passionate World War II and the divisive Vietnam War, the Korean War has been neglected by scholars and society. Yet it is one of the significant events of the 20th century, and scholarship on the war is increasing. This annotated bibliography covers the war from the early division of Korea in 1946-1948, the North Korean invasion, American and United Nations' involvement, and the Chinese entry, through the American withdrawals, the development of static lines, the armistice talks, POW exchanges, and post-armistice difficulties.

The volume opens with a brief overview of the official war and a guide to archival sources and collected documents. It then includes chapters on the causes and conflicts, histories, military operations, special topics, and response to the war, and concludes with analysis and historiography.

This is an examination of the response of British policy makers to the collapse of belief in racial superiority, and with it the ideological basis of empire, following the fall of Singapore in 1942. The book studies the Anglo American debate in which British officials, led by Lord Hailey, countered American criticisms of imperial rule by emphasizing economic development and peace keeping as new, non-racial justifications for western authority. These are themes that have retained a powerful resonance in the post-war world.

This book is the first study of the role of British Ambassadors in shaping Anglo-American relations during the first generation of the 'special relationship'. As well as showing how ambassadors wielded influence in Washington and helped to formulate British foreign policy, it offers insights into the role of the embassy in modern diplomacy.

The first book of its kind in English, Beyond No Future: Cultures of German Punk explores the texts and contexts of German punk cultures. Notwithstanding its "no future" sloganeering, punk has had a rich and complex life in German art and letters, in German urban landscapes, and in German youth culture. Beyond No Future collects innovative, methodologically diverse scholarly contributions on the life and legacy of these cultures. Focusing on punk politics and aesthetics in order to ask broader questions about German nationhood(s) in a period of rapid transition, this text offers a unique view of the decade bookended by the "German Autumn" and German unification. Consulting sources both published and unpublished, aesthetic and archival, Beyond No Future's contributors examine German punk's representational strategies, anti-historical consciousness, and refusal of programmatic intervention into contemporary political debates. Taken together, these essays demonstrate the importance of punk culture to historical, political, economic, and cultural developments taking place both in Germany and on a broader transnational scale.

Originally published in 2006, this book examines the collapse of the Enron Corp. and other financial scandals that arose in the wake of the market downturn in 2000. Part 1 reviews the market book and bust that preceded Enron's collapse. It then describes the growth of Enron and the events that led to its sensational failure. Part 2 examines the role of the Securities and Exchange Commission's full disclosure system in corporate governance and the role of accountants in that system. Part 3 reviews the meltdown in the telecoms sector and the accounting scandals that emerged. Part 4 traces the remarkable market recovery that followed the financial scandals and the resumption of the growth of finance in America.

According to the Bush administration, the war in Iraq ended in May 2003, when the president pronounced mission accomplished from the deck of the USS Abraham Lincoln. Yet, fighting, resistance, and American casualties continue. Stephen Pelletiere argues that it is Iraqi suspicion of the Americans' motives--the belief that the United States is out to tear the state apart--that is fueling the current rebellion. Resistance in Iraq has become a national struggle, tied to the mood of Iraqis generally, as well as to anger fed by experiences of the whole people over the course of the last quarter century. Americans see Iraq as a failed state because they lack knowledge of those experiences and of Iraqi history. That is what Pelletiere has set out to remedy. Chief among his analyses is a brief history of the Iraqi army, focussing on the period of the 1980s and the Iran-Iraq War. The war transformed the army, a change which largely escaped the notice of the United States. Pelletiere also discusses American intelligence about Iraq on the eve of the war, characterizing it as delusory and showing that, even after the invasion, intelligence did not improve. This has led to the deterioration of relations with the Iraqis and precipitated the current revolt. Finally, he discusses the clash between the so-called expatriates and native Iraqis and the part the Islamic Republic is playing under the occupation. Perhaps more critically, Pelletiere relates American behavior in Iraq to the wider sphere of U.S. interests in the Persian Gulf specifically and the Middle East overall. In doing so, he positions the war as part of a larger geo-political struggle that encompasses not just the Iraqis or the Iranians, but the Israelis and all of the other client states of the United States in the Middle East.

First Published in 1992. This book examines the elements of continuity and change in Philip pine politics and government over the last quarter century. The period covered, from the early 1960s through 1988, encompasses three distinct phases: the decline of traditional elite democracy, the imposition of martial law and constitutional authoritarianism under Ferdinand Marcos, and, most recently, the restoration of democracy under Corazon Aquino.

Aneurin - Nye - Bevan was one of the pivotal Labour figures of the post-war era. As Minister for Health in Attlee's government, his role in the foundation of the NHS, the world's largest publically-funded health service and the centre-piece of the Opening Ceremony of the 2012 London Olympics, changed the face of British society forever. The son of a coal miner from South Wales, Bevan was a life-long champion of social justice and the rights of working people and became one of the leading proponents of Socialist thought in Britain. He was also vehement in his dislike of the Conservative Party - going so far as to oppose the wartime coalition between Attlee and Churchill. Whilst he admired the Marxist critique of capitalism - and felt that the drive for private consumer affluence in the 1950s flew in the face of social good - he was certainly no communist. He was a passionate believer in public ownership but had a complex relationship with the unions, which may have prevented him from becoming party leader. In this book, acclaimed author Nicklaus Thomas-Symonds provides the first full-life biography of Bevan in over two decades, from his birth in Tredegar in the South Wales Valleys in 1897 to his death from stomach cancer at the age of 62 in 1960. Thomas-Symonds considers not just Bevan's political career but also his upbringing, his career in local government in Wales and his relationship with his wife, and fellow Labour MP, Jennie Lee. Drawing on first-hand interviews as well as recently released sources, he provides a unique portrait of one of the great British statesmen of the twentieth century.

Although the control or regulation of political conflict is a constant concern of governments and a source of substantial speculation, empirical investigation of systems of regulation is a relatively recent enterprise. How destabilizing events such as separatism, trans-national disputes and decolonization are translated into political conflict through economic, political, and social systems is explored in this in-depth study of eight nations in southern Europe for the period 1946 to 1986.

This book is especially relevant in light of the recent conflicts that have exploded into civil war in Yugoslavia. It will be of great interest to political scientists, economists, social scientists, and others studying the conflicts within southern Europe.

"Bootstrapping" analyzes the genesis of personal computing from both technological and social perspectives, through a close study of the pathbreaking work of one researcher, Douglas Engelbart. In his lab at the Stanford Research Institute in the 1960s, Engelbart, along with a small team of researchers, developed some of the cornerstones of personal computing as we know it, including the mouse, the windowed user interface, and hypertext. Today, all these technologies are well known, even taken for granted, but the assumptions and motivations behind their invention are not. "Bootstrapping" establishes Douglas Engelbart's contribution through a detailed history of both the material and the symbolic constitution of his system's human-computer interface in the context of the computer research community in the United States in the 1960s and 1970s.
Engelbart felt that the complexity of many of the world's problems was becoming overwhelming, and the time for solving these problems was becoming shorter and shorter. What was needed, he determined, was a system that would augment human intelligence, co-transforming or co-evolving both humans and the machines they use. He sought a systematic way to think and organize this coevolution in an effort to discover a path on which a radical technological improvement could lead to a radical improvement in how to make people work effectively. What was involved in Engelbart's project was not just the invention of a computerized system that would enable humans, acting together, to manage complexity, but the invention of a new kind of human, "the user." What he ultimately envisioned was a "bootstrapping" process by which those who actually invented the hardware and software of this new system would simultaneously reinvent the human in a new form.
The book also offers a careful narrative of the collapse of Engelbart's laboratory at Stanford Research Institute, and the further translation of Engelbart's vision. It shows that Engelbart's ultimate goal of coevolution came to be translated in terms of technological progress and human adaptation to supposedly user-friendly technologies. At a time of the massive diffusion of the World Wide Web, "Bootstrapping" recalls the early experiments and original ideals that led to today's "information revolution."

When war broke out in Iraq, every major U.S. network pulled its correspondents from the scene. Despite the risk, Richard Engel stayed. As our tanks entered Baghdad in April 2003, he was there, bringing the Iraqi war into American homes as a stringer for ABC news. Determined to deliver the whole Middle East story, Engel moved to Cairo in 1996 after graduating from Stanford to learn 'street' Arabic. Then to dig even deeper into the complicated powder-keg of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, he settled in Jerusalem.
Now as Iraq enters its post-war phase and the Gulf region continues to dominate our nation's consciousness, more and more Americans will come to know and trust Richard Engel--especially in his current role as a correspondent for NBC Nightly News with Tom Brokaw. Both analytical and anecdotal, this book leads us through the war in Iraq, dissecting a myriad of Middle East issues, all from the vantage point of someone who is 'on the ground and in the streets' to get the real story.

Germany's unification initially raised fears about an all-powerful and undemocratic Germany at the heart of Europe. Based on hundreds of in-depth interviews, the book examines the democratic views of parliamentarians in Germany and compares them to the views of ordinary citizens. The book argues that although the majority of Germans support democratic values, especially in western Germany, there is significant evidence for lingering authoritarianism in the East. More than just an analysis of German political culture, the book offers compelling conclusions about the future of democracy in all post-socialist states.

How does a newsroom, made up of young journalists, change overnight into a war zone? How do you do your job as a correspondent when the conflict is literally on your doorstep? Reporting the facts as closely as possible is in itself a form of resistance, especially for this editorial staff, at least one of whose members has decided to abandon the pen and don the uniform. One was covering the business world in Ukraine, another was reporting on entertainment, a third was dealing with geopolitics, when suddenly the Russian army crossed the border. Staying is the choice they all made: to face the uncertainty of living and working in an active war zone head on. The power cuts, threat to life, concern for family members, trips to and from shelters while their city or town is subjected to lethal attacks - despite it all, they keep informing. In War Diary of the Ukrainian Resistance, written on the spot, day by day, the journalists of The Kyiv Independent share their work on the war that is ravaging their country. Combining articles published during the conflict with personal accounts, they give us an unprecedented inside look at the reality of the Russian invasion and its consequences on the lives of Ukrainians. Their names are Olga, Daryna, Illia, Jakub, Toma, Anna, Igor, Oleg, Natalia, Artur, Daria, Asami, Thaisa, Dylan, Sergiy, Alexander ... Their lives will never be the same again. Nor will ours.

This study offers a distinctive new account of British economic life since the Second World War, focussing upon the ways in which successive governments, in seeking to manage the economy, have sought simultaneously to 'manage the people': to try and manage popular understanding of economic issues. In doing so, governments have sought not only to shape expectations for electoral purposes but to construct broader narratives about how 'the economy' should be understood. The starting point of this work is to ask why these goals have been focussed upon (and differentially over time), how they have been constructed to appeal to the population, and, insofar as this can be assessed, how far the population has accepted these narratives. The first half of the book analyses the development of the major narratives from the 1940s onwards, addressing the notion of 'austerity' and its particular meaning in the 1940s; the rise of a narrative of 'economic decline from the late 1950s, and the subsequent attempts to 'modernize' the economy; the attempts to 'roll back the state' from the 1970s; the impact of ideas of 'globalization' in the 1900s; and, finally, the way the crisis of 2008/9 onwards was constructed as a problem of 'debts and deficits'. The second part of the book focuses on four key issues in attempts to 'manage the people': productivity, the balance of payments, inflation, and unemployment. It shows how, in each case, governments sought to get the populace to understand these issues in a particular light, and shaped strategies to that end.

The greatest threat to Western unity in the 1960s came not from a communist enemy but from an ally--France. Its imposing president, General Charles de Gaulle, challenged the dominance of the United States by bringing crises to the EEC and NATO and seeking detente with the Soviet bloc. As this book shows, against the backdrop of wider transition in the Anglo-American relationship, the U.S. and Britain cooperated successfully to ensure that his plans did not prosper.

A History of European Economic Thought grafts the history of economic thought onto Global History by showing how significant economic ideas have influenced the process of Europe's formation from the very beginning to the present day. This work combines two classical stories that until today have followed parallel paths. On the one hand, there is the political history of Europe, which is often limited to a few fleeting references to the ideas of the great economists of the past. On the other hand, there is the history of economic thought, which examines Europe as a whole, as a distinct supranational community, only with reference to the institutions created after World War II. The volume sheds light on the constitutive values of Europe, which also stem from a particular economic culture, and provides essential reading for students and scholars of the history of economic thought.

This book surveys the complicated history of U.S.-Chinese relations. After two brief chapters providing historical context, the focus shifts to the mid-twentieth century, the wartime alliance, the war's bitter aftermath, and the decades since World War II, including the path from normalisation to China's hosting of the 2008 Summer Olympics. The author traces the ways in which the two countries have managed the blend of common and competitive interests in their economic and strategic relationships; the shifting political base for Sino-American relations within each country; the emergence and dissolution of rival political coalitions supporting and opposing the relationship; the evolution of each society's perceptions of the other; and ongoing differences regarding controversial topics like Taiwan and human rights. The author's early years in China, American education, and career as a China expert and an advisor on U.S.-China relations and cultural affairs for over fifty years, have afforded him unique opportunities to observe and participate in the development of this important relationship.

The notion of "self" and "other" and its representation in artwork and literature is an important theme in current cultural sciences as well as in our everyday life in contemporary Western societies. Moreover, the concept of "self" and "other" and its imaginary dichotomy is gaining more and more political impact in a world of resurfacing ideology-ridden conflicts. The essays deal with Jewish reality in contemporary Germany and its reflection in movies from the special point of view of cultural sciences, political sciences, and religious studies. This anthology presents challengingly new insights into topics rarely covered, such as youth culture or humor, and finally discusses the images of Jewish life as realities still to be constructed.

This study chronicles the unique relationship between the Federal government and the American multinational corporation, integrating it into the mainstream of American political history. It is a record of continuous adjustment on the part of both parties as each side navigated the unchartered waters of this unconventional partnership. What makes it so relevant historically is that while the Federal government was adjusting to its postwar global responsibilities, corporate America in its multinational dimension was taking on new roles which redefined the international political economy. It involved international oil companies impacting our relations with the volatile Middle East, an economic Watergate of global dimensions, and an unresolved debate on public versus private responsibilities toward the Third World and its multiple economic and social problems. Objectively presented, " America and the Multinational Corporation" provides the historical context for tracking the various presidential perspectives from Truman to Bush as well as the various congressional initiatives to redefine business-government relations in terms of corporate America's most aggressive offspring--the multinational.

Professor Reardon moves beyond the initial assessments of the multinational corporation vis-a-vis the Federal government, refusing to view it as a threat to the continued survival of the nation-state or as a force that the Federal government must tame at all cost. Rather, the partnership is a complex and continuously evolving relationship that may well be acquiring a new configuration as the world's economy becomes global rather than international. His study will be of interest to all students of contemporary American history as well as scholars in international political economy.

This up-to-date encyclopedia examines the conflict between India and Pakistan from Independence to the present day, with an authoritative treatment that presents the issues evenhandedly and from both countries' perspectives. Tensions between India and Pakistan are deeply rooted. Many go back to 1947 or earlier, when, with the partitioning of the provinces of Punjab and Bengal, British India was succeeded by two independent countries: a primarily Hindu India and a Muslim Pakistan. Subsequently, the two countries have fought three wars and come close to open war several other times, especially over Kashmir. Conflict Between India and Pakistan begins with a discussion of the partition of India and those who figured prominently in it, notably: Mohammed Ali Jinnah, Clem Attlee, the last viceroy, Admiral Louis Mountbatten, and Jawaharlal Nehru. Then, in a series of evenhanded, carefully crafted portraits, it describes the people, political parties, foreign and domestic policies, and economic, religious, and cultural pressures that have played a role in the conflicts between these nations from 1947 to the present. Detailed entries deal with towns, cities, and geographic areas, including Jammu, Srinigar, and the Siachen Glacier; major figures involved in the conflict, including General Pervez Musharraf; the religious divide between Hindus and Muslims; and the dispute over Kashmir A thorough chronology provides year-by-year treatment of the main issues in Indo-Pakistan relations

In more than a century of American Thoroughbred racing, only thirteen horses have won the Triple Crown (the Kentucky Derby, the Preakness Stakes, and the Belmont Stakes, all won in the same season). Veteran turf writer and racing historian Edward L. Bowen takes us through the rich history of one of the most formidable and exciting challenges in all of sport. Bowen covers the trainers, owners, and jockeys who etched their names into the annals of thoroughbred racing, and the "lucky thirteen" who captured all three jewels of the Triple Crown, racing's most prestigious prize.

Morgan and his contributors develop the concept of the Information Regime as a way to understand the use, abuse, and control of information in East Asia during the Cold War period. During the Cold War, war itself was changing, as was statecraft. Information emerged as the most valuable commodity, becoming the key component of societies across the globe. This was especially true in East Asia, where the military alliances forged in the wake of World War II were put to the most severe of tests. These tests came in the form of adversarial relations between the United States and the Soviet Union, as well as pressures within their alliances, which eventually caused the People's Republic of China to break with from Moscow, while Japan for a time during the 1950s and 1660s seemed poised to move away from Washington. More important than military might, or economic influence, was the creation of "information regimes" - swathes of territory where a paradigm, ideology, or political arrangement were obtained. Information regimes are not necessarily state-centric and many of the contributors to this book focus on examples which were not so. Such a focus allows us to see that the East Asian Cold War was not really "cold" at all, but was the epicentre of an active, contentious birth of information as the defining element of human interaction. This book is a valuable resource for historians of East Asia and of developments in information management in the twentieth century.

An analysis of the proceedings of the 37th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. Setting the Congress in its context, and focusing on the issues of political reform, economic restructuring, the nationalities question and foreign policy, this book explores the struggle for power between radicals, reformers and conservatives in the USSR. It highlights the Party's changing role in the Soviet political system and its changing relationship with the military and the KGB. It examines the ongoing reappraisal of the Soviet past, particularly the Stalin era, and its significance for the rethinking of Soviet socialism, the democratization of the society and the dismantling of the command-administrative economy. The Congress, forecast by some as heralding the demise of the CPSU as a ruling party, examines the debates raging within the Party and the wider society concerning the future of the USSR and the fate of perestroika.

"Japan Table Tennis Association President Goto Koji (1906-1972), the founder of Meiden High School, nurtured socially viable youth through sports education and used table tennis as a means of promoting international friendship and peace. All the expertise Goto accumulated through his lifework as an educator and civic leader was culminated in his decision to invite China to the World Table Tennis Championships in Nagoya in 1971. Notwithstanding the stalemate in the negotiations with Chinese officials on the terms of China's participation (China linked its participation to the "two Chinas" issue), Goto's convictions and principles earned Premier Zhou Enlai's respect and made China's participation possible. Were it not for Goto's initiative, President Richard Nixon would not have visited China in 1972. After four decades of obscurity, it is high time to set the record straight and give Goto overdue credit"--