On February 26th 2012 seventeen-year-old Trayvon Martin was walking home with a bag of Skittles and a can of juice when a fatal encounter with a gun-wielding neighbourhood watchman ended his young life. In a matter of weeks, Trayvon Martin's name would be spoken by President Obama, honored by professional athletes, and passionately discussed all over traditional and social media. Trayvon's parents, Sybrina Fulton and Tracy Martin, driven by their intense love for their lost son, launched a nationwide campaign for justice that would change the USA and the world. Five years after his tragic death, Travyon Martin has become a symbol of social justice activism, as has his hauntingly familiar image: the photo of a young man, wearing his favourite hoodie and gazing silently at the camera. But who was Trayvon Martin, before he became an icon? And how did one black child's death become the match that lit a civil rights movement? Rest in Power, told through the compelling alternating narratives of Sybrina Fulton and Tracy Martin, answers those questions from the most intimate of sources. It's the story of the beautiful and complex child they lost, the cruel unresponsiveness of the police and the hostility of the legal system, and the inspiring journey they took from grief and pain to power, and from tragedy and senselessness to meaning.

The collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 has provided fresh perspectives from which to view the Revolution out of which it grew. The Russian Revolution, 1917-1921, by Ronald Kowalski, reviews the ever-changing debate on the nature of the Russian Revolution.

This collection of documents and sources includes:

* newspapers, memoirs and literature
* commentary and background information of each source
* a narrative of the major events of the period
* new material made available since the policy of glasnost
* a re-examination of World War One and the Revolution
* focus on thematic issues such as the actions of peasants and workers.

For students of European history this will provide interesting and informative reading on this major event in Russia's turbulent past.

The collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 has provided fresh perspectives from which to view the Revolution out of which it grew. The Russian revolution, 1917-1921, by Ronald Kowalski, reviews the ever-changing debate on the nature of the Russian Revolution. This collection of documents and sources includes:
* newspapers, memoirs and literature * commentary and background information of each source * a narrative of the major events of the period * new material made available since the policy of glasnost * a re-examination of World War One and the Revolution * focus on thematic issues such as the actions of peasants and workers

In Theorizing Revolutions, some of the most exciting thinkers in the study of revolutions today look critically at the many theoretical frameworks through which revolutions can be understood and apply them to specific revolutionary cases.
The theoretical approaches considered in this way include state-centred perspectives, structural theory, world-system analysis, elite models, demographic theories and feminism and the revolutions covered range in time from the French Revolution to Eastern Europe in 1989 and in place from Russia to Vietnam and Nicaragua.

In the years since the 2011 revolutions, Egypt and the Arab countries in general have moved from a profound moment of hope and democratic potential to deepened authoritarianism and outright war. Among the many political actors who have seen their political prospects rise and fall are youth activists, the revolutionary vanguard who spearheaded the transition process. This book offers a detailed analysis of Egypt's revolutionary youth as a collective and non-institutionalized political actor since 2005, bringing forth in particular the organizational, ideational, and strategic dimensions of the social movement. It offers insights into the origins of the movement and its evolution over time, the activists' claims and objectives, and the rationale behind their actions/interactions in the greater political arena. Proposing a theoretical framework that lies at the nexus of practice theory and social movement theory, the book demonstrates how the foundational practices of "youth" and "revolutionary" acted as the movement's internal culture, shaping the activists' claims and goals, their organizational structures, and their choice of strategies and repertoires of contention. In the context of a defunct Arab Spring and the region's descent into deepened authoritarianism and ultra-violent conflict, the book sheds light on the Egyptian uprising and the reasons for its increasingly grim outcome by providing a detailed analysis of one of its key players and both the exogenous and endogenous reasons why the revolutionary youth activists failed to achieve their goals. As the first book to assess the revolutionary youth as a social movement distinct from other forms of activism and other youth groups/parties in Egypt, it will be a valuable resource for anyone with an interest in Middle East Studies, the Arab Spring, or social movements more generally.

As special correspondent for the Manchester Guardian, Price was one of the few Englishmen to witness all phases of the Russian Revolution. His remarkable writings provide a firsthand account of the momentous events, and include his meetings with Lenin and the Bolshevik leaders.

This classic study explores the role of merchant seamen in precipitating the American revolution. It analyzes the participation of seamen in impressment riots, the Stamp Act Riot, the Battle of Golden Hill, and other incidents. The book describes these events and explores the social world of the seamen, offering explanations for their actions. Focusing on the culture, politics, and experiences of early American seamen, this legendary study played an important role in the development of histories of the common people and has inspired generations of social and early American historians. Lemisch's later related article, "Jack Tar in the Streets," was named one of the ten most important articles ever published in the prestigious "William and Mary Quarterly. "Long unavailable, this edition includes an index and an appreciative foreword by Marcus Rediker, author of "Between the Devil and the Deep Blue Sea: Merchant Seamen, Pirates, and the Anglo-American Maritime World, 1700-1750"
(Ph.D. Dissertation, Yale University, 1962)

The opposition between 'religion' and 'modernity' has long held the status of a self-evident truth. Recently, however, there has been a growing realization that religion has not died out and may be more compatible with modern society than previously assumed.This development is particularly striking in France where laicite has long been the official doctrine. How did religion become opposed to the secular and modern? If distinctions between sacred and secular are less adequate than commonly believed, how do these two categories interact?Addressing these questions, this book explores the persistence of religious categories on the cultural landscape of early modern France. France was the birthplace of Europe's first secular state and the centre of two movements considered indispensable to secularization - the Enlightenment and Revolution of 1789. As such France is vital for understanding how religious antecedents informed modern political institutions and ideals. By uncovering the role of religion in shaping categories most often associated with modernity this book offers a new perspective on the master narrative of secularization.

If not for the famous Indian mutiny-rebellion of 1857, the Santal 'Hul' (rebellion) of 1855 would today be remembered as the most serious uprising that the East India Company ever faced. Instead, this rebellion-to which 10 per cent of the Bengal Army's infantry was committed and in which at least 10,000 Santals died-has been forgotten. While its memory lived among Santals, British officers published little about it, and most of the sepoys involved died in 1857. In the words of one British officer, the Hul was 'not war ... but execution', and perhaps thus was dismissed as unworthy of attention by military historians. Drawing for the first time on the Bengal officers' voluminous reports on its suppression, Peter Stanley has produced the first comprehensive interpretation of the Hul, investigating why it occurred, how it was fought and why it ended as it did. Despite the Bengal Army virtually inventing counterinsurgency operations in the field (and the Santals improvising their first war), the Hul came to an end amid starvation and disease. But between its bloody outbreak, its protracted suppression and its far-reaching effects, Stanley demonstrates that the Hul was more than just 'execution'-it was indeed a war.

This is a history of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP), a violent Marxist faction within the Palestinian national movement. Taking a politically neutral approach, Cubert explores the group's background and provides an analysis of its aims, methods, structures and the factors responsible for its decline. The PFLP rejects any settlement to the Arab-Israeli conflict that falls short of the total elimination of Israel and the establishement of an independent state on what it claims to be Palestinian land. It is implacably hostile to the US and its allies in Europe and the Middle East and is committed to a strategy of armed conflict.
Cubert contrasts the PFLP with the more moderate Fatah, the dominant faction within the PLO. He notes that unlike the Fatah, which was prepared to compromise with the West and has transformed itself from an underground movement to a quasi-govenrment with strong international ties, the PFLP has by contrast become increasingly isolated. It can do nothing without the approval of the Syrian government and Syria is moving towards peace with Israel.

The environment within which humans interact has changed dramatically since the Industrial Revolution. However, their expectations stem from the same hopes and dreams people have had from the beginning of humankind. When Men Revolt and Why encourages readers to look closer and more deeply into the relationships between humans and the institutions that have originated to help them realize their full potential.

The contributors not only examine people, but also the need to change institutions that have outworn their usefulness. When institutions inhibit rather than facilitate everyone's desire to live a full life, the result is likely to be violence. This book offers the ideas of many people who have tried to dig deeper into basic causes of violence. Included in this volume are selections by Aristotle, Tocqueville./Marx and Engels, and Brinton. The ideas they espoused still hold vitality.

In his new introduction, James Davies talks about the circumstances under which this book was originally published. In Vietnam, a people were fighting for their autonomy. In the United States, many Americans were protesting against American involvement in the Vietnam War. Blacks were marching for their civil rights. Women were fighting for equality. Time has tempered these conflicts.

Davies maintains that we remain ignorant of the elemental forces that impel people and nations to resort to violence. We are usually surprised by their anger and shocked by their violence. Davies asserts that we need to learn more about how humans respond to change so as to prepare ourselves for such responses to change. When Men Revolt and Why is as timely as ever as we deal with uncertainty in various areas of the world-- the former Yugoslavia, the Middle East, and Ireland, among others. It is especially pertinent for political scientists, historians, and sociologists.

This title was first published in 2002. As Iran enters into the third decade since the 1979 revolution, the prospect of socio-political unrest remains ever present. Iran's political structure, its version of Islamic governance and the role of pluralism across all aspects of Iranian society are being questioned openly and defiantly. What this will mean for the future of Iran's theological system of governance and its current social structure remains to be seen. This work examines the roots of Iran's current unrest in the context of the post-revolutionary social and political structure, and the goals and aspirations of the 1979 revolutionaries. It provides in-depth commentary on contemporary Iranian society and the Islamic movement emerging from Khomeini's interpretation of Islamic governance and gauges the response of Iran to the pragmatic realities of the international system. A Readers in Islamic studies, international studies and Middle Eastern politics both at undergraduate and postgraduate levels will find this book an invaluable tool.

The Secret Army is the definitive work on the Irish Republican Army. It is an absorbing account of a movement that has had a profound effect on the shaping of the modern Irish state. The secret army in the service of the invisible Republic has had a powerful effect on Irish events over the past twenty-five years. These hidden corridors of power interest Bell and inspired him to spend more time with the IRA than many volunteers spend in it. This book is the culmination of twenty-five years of work and tens of thousands of hours of interviews. Bell's unique access to the leadership of the republican movement and his contacts with all involved--British politicians, Irish politicians, policemen, arms smugglers, and others committed or opposed to the IRA--explain why The Secret Army is the book on the subject. This edition represents a complete revision and includes vast quantities of new information.

Bell's book gives us vital insight into our times as well as Irish history. This edition of The Secret Army contains six new chapters that bring the history of this clandestine organization up to date. They are: The First Decade, The Nature of the Long War, 1979-1980"; "Unconventional Conflict, The Hunger Strikes, January 1980-October 3, 1981"; The Protracted Struggle, September 1981-January 1984"; "War, Politics, and the Split, January 1984-December 1986"; The Troubles as Institution, 1987-1990" and The Armed Struggle Transformed, 1991-1996, The End Game." In his new introduction, Bell reflects on his decades of research, the experiences he has had, and the people he has met during his extensive visits to Ireland.

This book deals with the impact of revolution, nationalism, and secret societies in modern European history from the Enlightenment to World War I. Special attention is devoted to the French Revolution, nationalism and unification of Italy, Germany, and Serbia, and the role of organizations such as 'Young Italy' and the Serbian 'Black Hand.' Contents: List of Illustrations; List of Maps; Preface; The Enlightenment, Freemasonry and Rousseau; The French Revolution, 1789-1799; Babeuf and Buonarroti; Italian Nationalism Before 1848; The Unification of Italy, 1848-1870; German Nationalism and Revolutions of 1848; The Unification of Germany, 1850-1871; The Greek Revolution; The Russian Revolutionary Movement to 1881; The Emergence of Serbia to 1878; Serbia and the Creation of Yugoslavia, 1878-1918; The Legacy of Violence.

First published in 1983. Balzac's novels are one of the largest and most important sources for the history of post-revolutionary France, but they have scarcely been tapped as they should be. Approaching the subject from the perspective of a literary, the author shows in detail how specific historical circumstances and movement are reflected in t

Most people believe India's struggle for independence to have begun with Mahatma Gandhi. Little credit goes to the proof that this call for a mass movement did not arise out of a void. For the past century and more, historians have overlooked the phase of twenty-five years of intense creative endeavour preceding and preparing for the Mahatma's advent. The reason for this systematic omission has been the fundamentally radical nature of the revolutionary programme put to practice by Indian leaders of late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Jugantar was diametrically distinct from the dream of non-violence floated by the Mahatma and the Congress. Very well documented with inputs from Indian, European and American archives, the present study carefully straightenes out the origins - philosophical, historical and religious and intellectual, so to say - of Indian nationalism. From Rammohun to Sri Aurobindo, passing through Marx and Tagore, the full set of ideological views has been analysed here. Unknown up to this day, the sustained focus in this volume on the outlook and the activities of these revolutionaries inside India and abroad brings home the 'very sophisticated understanding of the contemporary political reality' that made their leader Jatindranath Mukherjee, the 'right hand man' of Sri Aurobindo, the very emblem of an epoch and its aspirations. Please note: Taylor & Francis does not sell or distribute the Hardback in India, Pakistan, Nepal, Bhutan, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka

But for "Swallows and Amazons," some of Arthur Ransome's earlier writings would be better known. The extraordinary success Ransome achieved as a children's writer, from the 1930's until his death in 1967, perhaps inevitably eclipsed his earlier work, but in the case of his two books and pamphlet on the Russian revolutions of 1917 and the tumultuous events that followed that is a great loss: it can be said unequivocally that these writings are on a par, perhaps even exceeding, such classics as John Reed's "Ten Days that Shook the World."

Arthur Ransome knew Russia. He lived there from 1914 to 1918 almost all the time. He taught himself Russian and became a foreign correspondent for the liberal Daily News and Manchester Guardian. More than that, he came to know many of the Bolshevik leaders like Lenin, Trotsky and Checherin almost as personal friends, and, indeed, married Trotsky's secretary, Evgenia Petrovna Shelepina.

Arthur Ransome as a commentator on the Russian scene at the most convulsive moment in its history is unique. Unlike famous visitors like H. G. Wells (though his marvellous book, "Russia in the Shadows" shouldn't be overlooked) and Bertrand Russell, his was no brief journalistic inspection: and unlike other reporters such as John Reed, Victor Serge and Alfred Rosmer there was no tendentiousness in what he wrote - they were convinced revolutionaries, Ransome, although not unsympathetic to the Bolshevik cause, was a more objective recorder.

"Six Weeks in Russia," "The Crisis in Russia" and the pamphlet, "The Truth about Russia "constitute the best contemporary writing about Russia at the time of the Bolshevik takeover. They were reissued in the early 1990s, with an introduction by Paul Foot which has been retained for the Faber Finds reissue of "Six Weeks in Russia"; otherwise they have been out of print since first published

But for "Swallows and Amazons," some of Arthur Ransome's earlier writings would be better known. The extraordinary success Ransome achieved as a children's writer, from the 1930's until his death in 1967, perhaps inevitably eclipsed his earlier work, but in the case of his two books and pamphlet on the Russian revolutions of 1917 and the tumultuous events that followed that is a great loss: it can be said unequivocally that these writings are on a par, perhaps even exceeding, such classics as John Reed's "Ten Days that Shook the World."

Arthur Ransome knew Russia. He lived there from 1914 to 1918 almost all the time. He taught himself Russian and became a foreign correspondent for the liberal Daily News and Manchester Guardian. More than that, he came to know many of the Bolshevik leaders like Lenin, Trotsky and Checherin almost as personal friends, and, indeed, married Trotsky's secretary, Evgenia Petrovna Shelepina.

Arthur Ransome as a commentator on the Russian scene at the most convulsive moment in its history is unique. Unlike famous visitors like H. G. Wells (though his marvellous book, "Russia in the Shadows" shouldn't be overlooked) and Bertrand Russell, his was no brief journalistic inspection: and unlike other reporters such as John Reed, Victor Serge and Alfred Rosmer there was no tendentiousness in what he wrote - they were convinced revolutionaries, Ransome, although not unsympathetic to the Bolshevik cause, was a more objective recorder.

"Six Weeks in Russia," "The Crisis in Russia" and the pamphlet, "The Truth about Russia "constitute the best contemporary writing about Russia at the time of the Bolshevik takeover. They were reissued in the early 1990s, with an introduction by Paul Foot which has been retained for the Faber Finds reissue of "Six Weeks in Russia"; otherwise they have been out of print since first published

A highly readable narrative of the causes, course, and consequences of the Spanish Conquest, incorporating the perspectives of many Native groups, Black slaves, and the conquistadors, timed with the 500th anniversary of the fall of the Aztec capital of Tenochtitlan. Five hundred years ago, a flotilla landed on the coast of Yucatan under the command of the Spanish conquistador Hernan Cortes. While the official goal of the expedition was to explore and to expand the Christian faith, everyone involved knew that it was primarily about gold and the hunt for slaves. That a few hundred Spaniards destroyed the Aztec empire-a highly developed culture-is an old chestnut, because the conquistadors, who had every means to make a profit, did not succeed alone. They encountered groups such as the Tlaxcaltecs, who suffered from the Aztec rule and were ready to enter into alliances with the foreigners to overthrow their old enemy. In addition, the conquerors benefited from the diseases brought from Europe, which killed hundreds of thousands of locals. Drawing on both Spanish and indigenous sources, this account of the conquest of Mexico from 1519 to 1521 not only offers a dramatic narrative of these events-including the fall of the Aztec capital of Tenochtitlan and the flight of the conquerors-but also represents the individual protagonists on both sides, their backgrounds, their diplomacy, and their struggles. It vividly portrays the tens of thousands of local warriors who faced off against each other during the fighting as they attempted to free themselves from tribute payments to the Aztecs. Written by a leading historian of Latin America, Conquistadors and Aztecs offers a timely portrayal of the fall of Tenochtitlan and the founding of an empire that would last for centuries.

The Jacobite Rising of 1745 is well-known and much written about. Far less well-known are the three risings that preceded it, of 1708, 1715 and 1719. They are the subject of this book. Although failures they are not unimportant, and the one in1715, in particular, had a better chance of succeeding than the final rising. The newly arrived Hanoverian dynasty was unpopular and unsteady, the English troops were less than reliable, in Scotland there was still intense bitterness over the Union and the abortive Darien Scheme. Given a more decisive leader, the rebellion could have triumphed. Instead, the sorry series of events which culminated with the battles of Preston and Sheriffmuir guaranteed that the luckless James Francis Edward, the Old Pretender, would never be crowned at Scone, let alone in Westminster Abbey.

These rebellions may have inglorious in their results, but they produced a numver of memorable incidents, some comic, some harrowing, some even glorious: the ludicrous attempt on Edinburgh Castle; James's escape from assassination when trying to reach the French coast; Mackintosh of Borlum's great march; the state trials and executions; the desperate last throw in the Pass of Glenshiel. And there were strange actors in the drama: Argyle leading the government troops and loathing the task of killing his fellow-Scots; the ineffectual Mar and the scornful Sinclair; Bolingbroke, for ever changing sides; the courageous Marischal and the doomed Derwentwater; and like a grey shadow without substance, James Stuart, 'who came too late and departed too soon'.

The sage of Jacobite intrigue, rebellion and failure which is unfolded here offers a vivid picture of the clash between two countries and two loyalties.

'A lively new study of three Jacobite risings preceding the '45 . . . As befits a military historian he is at his best in describing the actual campaigns, bringing an agreeably lucid style to bear on the complicated geographical patchwork of landings, marches and fights' Antonia Fraser

'He writes with vigour, grace and wit, balancing his material beautifully. He excels at brief, vivid character sketches . . . recreated atmosphere so convincingly that this books grips like the best sort of thriller' "Irish Times "

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' . . . far the best written book I've read for ages' Nancy Mitford

As the world approaches the year 2000, many societies are experiencing an unprecedented growth in millenarian movements that anticipate an imminent and total transformation of the world. Many of these movements have been associated with violence, either as a means for producing change or as a response to confrontations with state authority. This book draws together research on this topic from political science, psychology, sociology and history in an attempt to understand the relationship between millenarian movements and episodes of violence.

A comprehensive introduction to the nations of Central and Eastern Europe over a half century of turbulent change - from post war subjugation by the Soviet Union to both shared and divergent experiences of post-Communist transition to free-market democracies.

This work provides a comprehensive introduction to the nations of Central and Eastern Europe over a half century of turbulent change - from post-war subjugation by the Soviet Union to both shared and divergent experiences of post-communist transition to free-market democracies. Detailed chapters on each country of the region describe the particular feautures of the country's communist regime and its collapse, and the country's response to four post-communist challenges: creating democratic political institutions; economic liberalisation; achieving social accord; reorienting relations with the world, and in particular with neighbouring states.

This collection of essays by prominent American and French scholars explores the political, cultural, and social implications of the most fundamentally formative modern event, the French Revolution. The contributors contend that the vocabulary and spirit of the French Revolution has exercised greater influence on the modern world than the more moderate and by all appearances more successful American Revolution. The Legacy of the French Revolution delineates the distinctive characters of the American and French revolutions and analyzes the different variants of democratic political traditions that have evolved from this seminal event. This book will be of particular interest to political theorists, political historians, and students of democratic theory.

Mageza-Barthel provides a context sensitive analysis of how Rwanda's women's movement used the United Nations (UN) gender norms in its efforts to insert gender-specific demands in the post-genocide period. The overall goal of these women - and their supporters - has been to further gender equality and equity in Rwanda. This study details which political processes could be engendered. It further illustrates why certain gender norms were adopted and adapted, whereas others were not. The study addresses issues of global governance in gender politics through such international frameworks as CEDAW, the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action, as well as Resolution 1325. These instruments have been brought forth by a transnational women's movement to benefit women and women's rights across the globe. It shows how these gender norms were introduced, adapted and contested locally at a crucial time of the transformation process underway. Concerned with the interplay of domestic and international politics, it also alludes to the unique circumstances in Rwanda that have led to unprecedented levels of women's political representation. Which tools have been the most significant in women's mobilisation and how these relate to precedents set within international relations is of interest to a wide community of scholars and policy-makers alike.