New philosophical essays on love by a diverse group of international scholars. Topics include contributions to the ongoing debate on whether love is arational or if there are reasons for love, and if so what kind; the kinds of love there may be (between humans and artificial intelligences, between non-human animals and humans); whether love can explain the difference between nationalism and patriotism; whether love is an necessary component of truly seeing others and the world; whether love, like free will, is "fragile," and may not survive in a deterministic world; and whether or not love is actually a good thing or may instead be a force opposed to morality. Key philosophers discussed include Immanuel Kant, Iris Murdoch, Bernard Williams, Harry Frankfurt, J. David Velleman, Niko Kolodny, Thomas Hurka, Bennett Helm, Alfred Mele and Derk Pereboom. Essays also touch on the treatment of love in literature and popular culture, from Graham Greene's The End of the Affair to Spike Jonze's movie her.

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This reader provides substantial extracts from the core texts in the field of American social and political thought. It demonstrates the rich intellectual tradition of the United States, giving an unparalleled understanding of American society and politics through the reproduction of key writings from a wide variety of thinkers.

The first part covers the core traditions of American social and political thought--American Exceptionalism, Political Theology, Republicanism, Liberalism, and Pragmatism. In the second part, texts have been selected to demonstrate the ways in which these traditions have been applied to a broad range of issues and conditions.

Exceptionally well-written and jargon-free, with helpful introductions and selections from Frederick Jackson Turner, Max Weber, Michael Sandel, John Rawls, C. Wright Mills, Sheldon Wolin, Judith N. Shklar, bell hooks, Michael Walzer and Richard Rorty, among others, American Social and Political Thought will be the core text in the field.

This book explores humanising practice within higher education (HE). It provides a fresh perspective by bringing together expert voices with empirical experience of humanising theory and practice in various areas of higher education, in order to influence and improve the way in which universities work. The book draws on Todres et. al's humanisation framework, as well other relevant theories such as positive organisational scholarship, Vygotsky's socio-cultural theory and socio-emotional intelligence. Topics include micro elements of humanisation such as transitions and the student experience, and macro elements such as the policy impact of humanising HE and sustainability. The authors demonstrate how a humanising approach can provide the catalyst for wider change and help to improve wellbeing in the community. This book offers an invaluable resource for scholars interested in teaching and learning in HE, and for HE practitioners and policy makers keen to develop a more human practice.

"The Courage of the Truth" is the last course that Michel Foucault delivered at the College de France. Here, he continues the theme of the previous year's lectures in exploring the notion of "truth-telling" in politics to establish a number of ethically irreducible conditions based on courage and conviction. His death, on June 25th, 1984, tempts us to detect the philosophical testament in these lectures, especially in view of the prominence they give to the themes of life and death.

This book provides a critical account of the main controversies involving Norman Geras, one of the key modern political thinkers. It moves from his youthful Trotskyism on to his book on Rosa Luxemburg, then his classic account of Marx and human nature, and his highly regarded discussion of Marx and justice. Following this, Geras tried to elaborate a Marxist theory of justice, which involved taking on-board aspects of liberalism. Next he attacked the post modernism of Laclau and Mouffe and criticised Rorty's pragmatism, and then elaborated a contract of mutual indifference from a detailed study of the Holocaust. Lastly he wrote a book on human rights and humanitarian intervention, defending the 2003 invasion of Iraq. Cowling varies from exposition and admiration, to ideas about how Geras's work should be interpreted, to criticism of his Trotskyism and of his support for the invasion of Iraq. The book will appeal to readers interested in Norman Geras and Marxism in particular, and social and political theory in general.

Despite the fact that over the last twenty years philosophies of the event have become more prevalent, their overall relation to the ontological paradigm remains largely unthought. This collection explores ways in which events destabilize this paradigm, producing powerful tremors that shake Being to its core. "Being Shaken" considers the personal, ethical, theological, aesthetic, and political dimensions of such disquietude, offering a multifaceted approach to the relation of ontology and the event.

In this book, Kevin Ip articulates and defends an egalitarian conception of global distributive justice grounded on the value of equality as a normative ideal of how human relations should be conducted. Arguing that relationships of equality, rather than those characterized by domination or exploitation, are a requirement for a just system, Ip spells out the real-world implications of this approach. Ip defends the ideal of equality against the diverse objections which have been brought to bear, and the responsibilities we bear in our aspirations towards global justice.

Justice as Welfare provides an egalitarian account of distributive justice by rethinking notions of welfare. It first considers possible forms of decentered welfare to promote communal and individual autonomy rather than the bureaucratic, centralized market-oriented control. Next, it uses theoretical resources to rethink the conventional notions of solidarity that support welfare. Drawing on recent work in continental philosophy, Justice as Welfare suggests that welfare requires a notion of social ontology. It provides both an account of the existential context of communal risk sharing and a framework to think about desire, value, and opportunity. Noting present political and economic realities, it suggests that international strategies to control 'flight capital' are necessary to create and maintain egalitarian welfare. Justice as Welfare aims to present a convincing theoretical account of welfare as social justice and to show how this requires the assertion of democratic control over economic and social reproduction at both national and international levels. This philosophically informed argument about egalitarian justice will appeal to anyone researching issues of social welfare, political theory, and applied political philosophy.

This edited collection addresses the state of liberalism in light of recent crises and shifts within the international system. As economic growth stagnates in the West, power is shifting away from liberalism's heartlands. Liberalism is under attack, both as explanatory theory and as normative prescription. Will liberalism be able to surmount the theoretical and real-world challenges it faces today?
In this volume, leading 21st-century thinkers provide their perspectives on the continuing role of the liberal paradigm, both as a theoretical approach to international relations, and as an ordering principle of international politics. The contributors examine liberalism's ability to function in view of its internal contradictions and the increasing complexity of a globalized world; assessing its future in view of the power shifts and political transformations in the international system and providing novel ways of thinking about liberalism's role, both in its practical workings and intellectual implications.
The range of international contributors to this volume include Jonathan Caverley, Philip G. Cerny, Michael Cox, Louise Fawcett, G. John Ikenberry, Beate Jahn, Charles A. Kupchan, Margot Light, Cornelia Navari, Nicholas Rengger, Christian Reus-Smit, Nabarun Roy, Frank Schimmelfennig, Brian C. Schmidt, Peter Trubowitz and Ren Xiao.

This book presents a collection of philosophical essays on freedom and tolerance in the Netherlands. It explores liberal freedom and its limits in areas such as freedom of speech, public reason, sexual morality, euthanasia, drugs policy, and minority rights. The book takes Dutch practices as exemplary test cases for the principled discussions on these subjects from the perspective of political liberalism. Indeed, the Netherlands may be viewed as a social laboratory in human tolerance. During the Cultural Revolution of the 1960s, Holland took the lead in a global emancipation process towards a society based on equal freedom. It was the first country to legalize euthanasia, soft drugs and gay marriage. In the final sections, the book examines the question of whether the political murders on the politician Pim Fortuyn and the film director Theo van Gogh, the reactions to Ayaan Hirsi Ali's film Submission, as well as the success of the populist politician Geert Wilders are signs of the end of Dutch tolerance. Although it recognizes that the political climate has taken a conservative turn, the book shows that the Netherlands still shows remarkable tolerance.

This book presents a comprehensive theory of the ethics and political philosophy of public health surveillance based on reciprocal obligations among surveillers, those under surveillance, and others potentially affected by surveillance practices. Public health surveillance aims to identify emerging health trends, population health trends, treatment efficacy, and methods of health promotion--all apparently laudatory goals. Nonetheless, as with anti-terrorism surveillance, public health surveillance raises complex questions about privacy, political liberty, and justice both of and in data use. Individuals and groups can be chilled in their personal lives, stigmatized or threatened, and used for the benefit of others when health information is wrongfully collected or used. Transparency and openness about data use, public involvement in decisions, and just distribution of the benefits of surveillance are core elements in the justification of surveillance practices. Understanding health surveillance practices, the concerns it raises, and how to respond to them is critical not only to ethical and trustworthy but also to publicly acceptable and ultimately sustainable surveillance practices. The book is of interest to scholars and practitioners of the ethics and politics of public health, bioethics, privacy and data technology, and health policy. These issues are ever more pressing in pandemic times, where misinformation can travel quickly and suspicions about disease spread, treatment efficacy, and vaccine safety can have devastating public health effects.

The key question for the history of universal human rights is why it took so long for them to become established as law. The main theme of this book is that the attainment of universal human rights required heroic struggle, first by individuals and then by ever-increasing numbers of people who supported those views against the major historical trends. Universal human rights are won from a hostile majority by outsiders. The chapters in the book describe the milestones in that struggle. The history presented in this book shows that, in most places at most times, even today, for concrete material reasons a great many people oppose the notion that all individuals have equal rights. The dominant history since the 1600s has been that of a mass struggle for the national-democratic state. This book argues that this struggle for national rights has been practically and logically contradictory with the struggle for universal rights. It would only be otherwise if there were free migration and access to citizenship on demand by anybody. This has never been the case. Rather than drawing only on European sources and being limited to major literary figures, this book is written from the Gramscian perspective that ideas mean little until they are taken up as mass ideologies. It draws on sources from Asia and America and on knowledge about mass attitudes, globally and throughout history.

"The Subject of Rosi Braidotti: Politics and Concepts" brings into focus the diverse influence of the work of Rosi Braidotti on academic fields in the humanities and the social sciences such as the study and scholarship in - among others - feminist theory, political theory, continental philosophy, philosophy of science and technology, cultural studies, ethnicity and race studies. Inspired by Braidotti's philosophy of nomadic relations of embodied thought, the volume is a mapping exercise of productive engagements and instructive interactions by a variety of international, outstanding and world-renowned scholars with texts and concepts developed by Braidotti throughout her immense body of work.In Braidotti's work, traversing themes of engagements emerge of politics and philosophy across generations and continents. Therefore, the edited volume invites prominent scholars at different stages of their careers and from around the world to engage with Braidotti's work in terms of concepts and/or political practice.

This book is about time and its powerful influence on our personal and collective daily life. It presents the most comprehensive and up-to-date overview of contemporary knowledge on temporal psychology inspired by Zimbardo's work on Time Perspective (TP). With contributions from renowned and promising researchers from all over the globe, and at the interface of social, personality, cognitive and clinical psychology, the handbook captures the breadth and depth of the field of psychological time. Time perspective, as the way people construe the past, the present and the future, is conceived and presented not only as one of the most influential dimensions in our psychological life leading to self-impairing behaviors, but also as a facet of our person that can be de-biased and supportive for well-being and happiness. Written in honor of Philip G. Zimbardo on his 80th birthday and in acknowledgement of his leading role in the field, the book contains illustrations of the countless studies and applications that his theory has stimulated, and captures the theoretical, methodological and practical pathways he opened by his prolific research.

This book examines what we can gain from a critical reading of Marx's final manuscript and his conclusion of the "systematic presentation" of his critique, which was the basis for Engels's construction of the third volume of his infamous 'Capital'. The text introduces the reader to a key problemof Marx's largely implicit epistemology, by exploring the systematic character of his exposition and the difference of this kind of 'systematicity' from Hegelian philosophical system construction. The volume contributes to establishing a new understanding of the critique of political economy, as it has been articulated in various debates since the 1960s - especially in France, Germany, and Italy - and as it had already been initiated by Marx and some of his followers, with Rosa Luxemburg in a key role. All the chapters are transdisciplinary in nature, and explore the modern day relevance of Marx's and Luxemburg's theoretical analysis of the dominance of the capitalist mode of production.

This comprehensive presentation of Axel Hagerstrom (1868-1939) fills a void in nearly a century of literature, providing both the legal and political scholar and the non-expert reader with a proper introduction to the father of Scandinavian realism. Based on his complete work, including unpublished material and personal correspondence selected exclusively from the Uppsala archives, A Real Mind follows the chronological evolution of Hagerstrom's intellectual enterprise and offers a full account of his thought. The book summarizes Hagerstrom's main arguments while enabling further critical assessment, and tries to answer such questions as: If norms are neither true nor false, how can they be adequately understood on the basis of Hagerstrom's theory of knowledge? Did the founder of the Uppsala school uphold emotivism in moral philosophy? What consequences does such a standpoint have in practical philosophy? Is he really the inspiration behind Scandinavian state absolutism?A Real Mind places the complex web of issues addressed by Hagerstrom within the broader context of 20th century philosophy, stretching from epistemology to ethics. His philosophy of law is examined in the core chapters of the book, with emphasis on the will-theory and the relation between law and power. The narrative is peppered with vignettes from Hagerstrom's life, giving an insightful and highly readable portrayal of a thinker who put his imprint on legal theory. The appendix provides a selected bibliography and a brief synopsis of the major events in his life, both private and intellectual."

This book explores how Wittgenstein's personal life provided more of a reference point for his philosophical work than has been previously thought. Focusing on two key phases in Wittgenstein's life during which he dramatically changed his philosophical orientation and reinvented both his intellectual methods and himself, the author presents and alternative understanding of Wittgenstein and his work. The book firstly addresses the period of his "anthropological turn" (1929-1932), in which Wittgenstein developed one of his central arguments concerning the role of the body in the acquisition of language and the rules of social practice. The second key phase, commencing after the end of the Second World War, was one of introspection, during which Wittgenstein became intensely preoccupied by inner events, sensations, and his own personality. As his work evolved, the anthropological aspects became the primary focus of his work by the end of his life. Providing an accessible and novel insight into Wittgenstein's work and his interest in 'continental' philosophy, this translation will appeal to a wide audience.

This book offers a comprehensive overview and critique of the most important political and philosophical interpretations of the basic results of social choice, assessing their plausibility and seeking to identify the links between the theory of social choice and the more traditional issues of political theory and philosophy. In this regard, the author eschews a strong methodological commitment or technical formalism; the approach is instead based on the presentation of political facts and illustrated via numerous real-life examples. This allows the reader to get acquainted with the philosophical and political dispute surrounding voting and collective decision-making and its links to social choice theory.

After the collapse of communism in the Soviet Union, hope was high for democracy's introduction to Eastern Europe and Eurasia. By the end of the twentieth century, a handful of the fifteen successor states had become democratic, but most were authoritarian or semi-authoritarian. "Elections and Democracy after Communism? "assesses the contradictory trajectories of post-communist states, focusing on the evolution of electoral practices. Chapters address the design and consequences of election rules, voter decisions to participate in elections and support specific parties, the use of referendums, election quality, and public responses to allegations of election fraud.

This book addresses the Confucian philosophy of common good and deals with the comparative philosophy on eastern and western understandings of common good. The common good is an essentially contested concept in contemporary moral and political discussions. Although the notion of the common good has a slightly antique air, especially in the North Atlantic discussion, it has figured prominently in both the sophisticated theoretical accounts of moral and political theory in recent years and also in the popular arguments brought for particular political policies and for more general orientations toward policy. It has been at home both in the political arsenal of the left and the right and has had special significance in ethical and political debates in modern and modernizing cultures. This text will be of interest to philosophers interested in Chinese philosophy and issues related to individualism and communitarianism, ethicists and political philosophers, comparative philosophers, and those in religious studies working on Chinese religion. "

Continuum's Reader's Guides are clear, concise and accessible introductions to classic works of philosophy. Each book explores the major themes, historical and philosophical context and key passages of a major philosophical text, guiding the reader toward a thorough understanding of often demanding material. Ideal for undergraduate students, the guides provide an essential resource for anyone who needs to get to grips with a philosophical text. First published in 1859, John Stuart Mill's On Liberty has exerted an enormous influence on philosophical and political thought ever since. Mill, also famous for his writings on utilitarianism, argues that individual liberty is of paramount importance and that any infringements of it must be kept to an absolute minimum. Mill himself described his brief but brilliant book as asserting 'one very simple principle . . . that the sole end for which mankind are warranted, individually or collectively, in interfering in the liberty of any of their number, is self-protection.' Of course, drawing out the implications of this principle has proved to be anything but simple, and the various interpretations of Mill's doctrine have spawned countless debates and mountains of secondary literature. Numerous moral and political theorists have drawn on Mill's work, including Berlin, Rawls and Raz, and his ideas remain as relevant as ever today.

The revival of America's civic life is one of the most popular proposals to cure the host of social and political ills that plague contemporary life. The thinking is that many of our social problems, including drug abuse, crime, divorce, and welfare dependency, are the products of an individualistic culture that no longer joins together to solve its collective problems. Individualism has devolved into selfishness and private rights take precedent over any collective good. As one analyst states, our once demanding virtues have turned into relativized values, and the loss of social demands allow people to act in ways destructive of the general welfare.

Denning examines in detail today's civic virtue debate and the main proponents of this agenda. He argues that the conservative focus on moral behavior excludes other essential factors that contribute to social changes that affect America's civic behavior. Instead of recalling some halcyon civic benchmark, he addresses today's problems in the context of the social changes that contribute mixed results to America's collective action. One fundamental change gives greater power to people--in the Jeffersonian tradition--to determine how they choose to govern themselves. Equally important, after a brief review of what happens in today's local communities across the country, Denning challenges the diatribe that America lacks civic virtue. Moreover, as America struggles with growing economic inequality, its civic life mirrors the growing disparity in wealth. As suburbia displays some hallmarks of traditional civic activity, inner cities develop civic activities out of utter necessity to fend off the ills of crime, drugs, poverty, and economic desperation.