Alexander Herzen-philosopher, novelist, essayist, political agitator, and one of the leading Russian intellectuals of the nineteenth century-was as famous in his day as Tolstoy and Dostoevsky. While he is remembered for his masterpiece My Past and Thoughts and as the father of Russian socialism, his contributions to the history of ideas defy easy categorization because they are so numerous. Aileen Kelly presents the first fully rounded study of the farsighted genius whom Isaiah Berlin called "the forerunner of much twentieth-century thought." In an era dominated by ideologies of human progress, Herzen resisted them because they conflicted with his sense of reality, a sense honed by his unusually comprehensive understanding of history, philosophy, and the natural sciences. Following his unconventional decision to study science at university, he came to recognize the implications of early evolutionary theory, not just for the natural world but for human history. In this respect, he was a Darwinian even before Darwin. Socialism for Russia, as Herzen conceived it, was not an ideology-least of all Marxian "scientific socialism"-but a concrete means of grappling with unique historical circumstances, a way for Russians to combine the best of Western achievements with the possibilities of their own cultural milieu in order to move forward. In the same year that Marx declared communism to be the "solution to the riddle of history," Herzen denied that any such solution could exist. History, like nature, was contingent-an improvisation both constrained and encouraged by chance.

Published more than twenty years ago, Stephen Eric Bronner's bold defense of socialism remains one of the best texts to reframe the movement for modern audiences. Treating socialism as an ethic and reclaiming its early intellectual foundations, while acknowledging and correcting its inherent flaws, Bronner advances a more robust theory of working-class politics for the twenty-first century.

Unfolding chronologically, Bronner's study revisits the labor movement's pivotal figures--Karl Marx, Friedrich Engels, Karl Kautsky, Eduard Bernstein, Vladimir Lenin, and Rosa Luxemburg--and the major themes governing their work. He identifies the contributions of these individuals but also their missteps, particularly the moments in which critical innovation gave way to dogma, muddying the meaning of core principles and practices. Bronner confronts a host of controversial issues, including the relationship between class and social movements, institutional accountability and participation, and economic justice and market imperatives; the problematic processes of revolution and reform; and the tensions between internationalism and identity. Adding a new introduction examining the revival of socialist theory and the evolution of labor politics over the past three decades, Bronner's classic treatise furthers the intellectual development of a genuinely progressive politics.

The extended critical interview is especially flexible as a form, by turns tenacious and glancing, elliptical or sustained, combining argument and counter-argument, reflection, history and memoir with a freedom normally denied to its subjects in conventional writing formats. Lives on the Left brings together sixteen such interviews from New Left Review in a group portrait of intellectual engagement in the twentieth century and since. Four generations of intellectuals discuss their political histories and present perspectives, and the specialized work for which they are, often, best known. Their recollections span the century from the Great War and the October Revolution to the present, ranging across Europe, the Americas, Africa and Asia. Psychoanalysis, philosophy, the gendering of private and public life, capital and class formation, the novel, geography, and language are among the topics of theoretical discussion. At the heart of the collection, in all its diversity of testimony and judgement, is critical experience of communism and the tradition of Marx, relayed now for a new generation of readers. Lives on the Left includes interviews with Georg Lukacs, Hedda Korsch, Jean-Paul Sartre, Dorothy Thompson, Jir?i Pelikan, Ernest Mandel, Luciana Castellina, Lucio Colletti, K. Damodaran, Noam Chomsky, David Harvey, Adolfo Gilly, Joao Pedro Stedile, Asada Akira, Wang Hui and Giovanni Arrighi. New Left Review was founded in 1960 in London, which has remained its base ever since. In fifty years of publication, it has won an international reputation as an independent journal of socialist politics and ideas, attracting readers and contributors from every part of the world. A Spanish-language edition is published bi-monthly from Madrid.

Can Latin America's 'new left' stimulate economic development, enhance social equity, and deepen democracy in spite of the economic and political constraints it faces? This is the first book to systematically examine the policies and performance of the left-wing governments that have risen to power in Latin America during the last decade. Featuring thorough studies of Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, and Venezuela by renowned experts, the volume argues that moderate leftist governments have attained greater, more sustainable success than their more radical, contestatory counterparts. Moderate governments in Brazil and Chile have generated solid economic growth, reduced poverty and inequality, and created innovative and fiscally sound social programs, while respecting the fundamental principles of market economics and liberal democracy. By contrast, more radical governments, exemplified by Hugo Chavez in Venezuela, have expanded state intervention and popular participation and attained some short-term economic and social successes.

What set antisemites apart from anti-antisemites in Imperial Germany was not so much what they thought about 'the Jews', but what they thought should be done about them. Like most anti-antisemites, German Social Democrats felt that the antisemites had a point but took matters too far. In fact, Socialist anti-antisemitism often did not hinge on the antisemites' anti-Jewish orientation at all. Even when it did, the Socialists' arguments generally did more to consolidate than subvert generally accepted notions regarding 'the Jews'. By focusing on a broader set of perceptions accepted by both antisemites and anti-antisemites and drawing a variety of new sources into the debate, this study offers a startling reinterpretation of seemingly well-rehearsed issues, including the influence of Karl Marx's Zur Judenfrage, and the positions of various leading Social Democrats (Franz Mehring, Eduard Bernstein, August Bebel, Wilhelm Liebknecht, Karl Kautsky, Rosa Luxemburg) and their peers.

Can Latin America s new left stimulate economic development, enhance social equity, and deepen democracy in spite of the economic and political constraints it faces? This is the first book to systematically examine the policies and performance of the left-wing governments that have risen to power in Latin America during the last decade. Featuring thorough studies of Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, and Venezuela by renowned experts, the volume argues that moderate leftist governments have attained greater, more sustainable success than their more radical, contestatory counterparts. Moderate governments in Brazil and Chile have generated solid economic growth, reduced poverty and inequality, and created innovative and fiscally sound social programs, while respecting the fundamental principles of market economics and liberal democracy. By contrast, more radical governments, exemplified by Hugo Chavez in Venezuela, have expanded state intervention and popular participation and attained some short-term economic and social successes, but they have provoked severe conflict, undermined democracy, and failed to ensure the economic and institutional sustainability of their policy projects.

First published in 1981, this book, a political history of organised labour in Japan during the 1920s and 1930s, broke ground in research on the Japanese socialist movement by examining the movement from the perspective of the unions, which then provided the socialist parties with much of their popular support. Focusing on the Japan General Federation of Labour, an important pacesetter for labour politics, the author analyses why a significant cross-section of organised workers began the 1920s with promising vitality and high hopes of contributing to a progressive, socialist reconstruction of Japan, only to abandon this political commitment in the 1930s, with adverse consequences both for the unions and for their political party allies. Throughout, the author assesses Japanese and Western interpretations of Japanese society and politics in seeking a balanced understanding of the dynamics and significance of popular social protest in the critical interwar decades.

The attempt to establish a 'new social contract' between the Government and the unions, with a view to stabilising the economy and restraining industrial militancy, emerged as a burning issues of contemporary British politics during the 1970s. This study uncovers the roots of this development in the incomes policies of successive post-war Governments, especially of the 1964 70 Labour Government, and traces the way in which wage restraint was secured from the unions, or imposed upon them, in the context of the attempted registration of the unions within the existing economic and political order. Professor Panitch concentrates on the crucial role of the Labour Party and shows how Labour's incomes policies, and industrial relations generally, have derived less from a concern with socialist economic planning than from the Party's 'integrative' ideology, its rejection of the concept of class struggle in favour of affecting a compromise between the different classes in British society.

It was Philippe van Parijs' conviction that the Marxist tradition can be kept alive as an essential political component of the Left not through dutiful conservation, but through ruthless recycling: the discarding of encumbering elements, and the reshaping of the remainder using the latest intellectual 'technology'. The essays collected in this book examine the structure and potential of historical materialism as a general theory of social change. They draw on the lessons of the failure of Marxist crisis theory, and show how a rejuvenated notion of exploitation can illuminate the analysis of the class structure of welfare state capitalism or the assessment of international migration. They explore and advocate a 'capitalist road to communism' that expands the realm of freedom while bypassing socialism, and they develop those aspects of the Marxist project consistent with ecological concerns.

The 'Socialist Register' considers contemporary debate, policy-making, research, education, and scientific practice generally, and examines the role of the state in intellectual life, the press and the media.

Anthropologist Daphne Berdahl was one of the leading scholars of the transition from state socialism to capitalism in central and eastern Europe. From her pathbreaking ethnography of a former East German border village in the aftermath of German reunification, to her insightful analyses of consumption, nostalgia, and citizenship in the early 21st century, Berdahl's writings probe the contradictions, paradoxes, and ambiguities of postsocialism as few observers have done. This volume brings together her essays, from an early study of memory at the Vietnam War memorial in Washington, D.C., to research on consumption and citizenship undertaken in Leipzig in the years before her untimely death. It serves as a superb introduction to the development of the field of postsocialist cultural studies.

A century ago, just as today, working women faced oppression both as women and as workers. On which front would they fight? Were they sisters of the feminists, or citizens, members of the workers' movement? This book is a study of their responses to this dilemma. The French feminist movement claimed to speak for working women as well as for their wealthier sisters. But by the end of the nineteenth century, most politically minded working women rejected feminism, which seemed to them a movement for middle-class women.

On 28 October 1918, sailors of the German High Seas Fleet disobeyed orders to put to sea and challenge the British Grand Fleet in what they saw as a suicidal gesture. Crews of the battleships at Kiel and Wilhelmshaven let their fires go out, defied their admirals, hoisted the red flag and elected sailors' councils. Troops sent to suppress the mutiny joined it. Thus started the German Revolution. Dr Ryder begins this full-scale treatment of the German Revolution by summarizing the origins and development of German Social Democracy up to the party's historic vote for war credits on 4 August 1914. He then considers the socialists' attitudes to the war, notably in relation to the controversial question of annexations, and traces the growth of a threefold split inside the socialist party. The half-completed revolution is seen and evaluated in relation to the German past - Bismarck - and future - the weakness of Weimar democracy - and to the Marxist ideology of the revolutionary leaders.

This is a study of the men and women who pioneered socialist and Marxist ideas among the Poles in the seventies and eighties of the nineteenth century, and the dramatic history of the underground party, 'Proletariat', which they formed. It opens with an outline of the state of Polish society after the final defeat of the 1863 uprising against Tsar, which caused the eclipse of the gentry as the leading elite of the nation. There follows an account of the assimilation by the new urban intelligentsia of ideas coming from the west, which turned some of them into pioneers of the capitalist and liberal movements, others into pure nationalists and yet others on the left into followers of Marx and Proudhon. On this latter part of Polish society the influence of Russian revolutionary populist thought was greater and more lasting than most historians of Poland are ready to admit. The author underlines the importance of the appearance for the first time in Polish history of a mass movement which sought common cause with the neighbours of Poland - mostly with Russians (Narodnaya Volya), but also with Germans (Social Democrats). Mr Blit's study is an important contribution both to the history of Marxism and social democracy in Russia and to the history of European social democracy.

This book is the second in the three volume set The Labour governments 1964-1970 and concentrates on Britain's international policy under the Labour governments in the 1960s and is available for the first time in paperback. The coverage ranges from defence policy and the government machine to European integration, NATO and the Vietnam war. Harold Wilson and his ministers have often been accused of betraying the sense of promise that greeted their victory in 1964. Using recently released archival evidence, John Young argues that a more balanced view of the government will recognise the real difficulties that surrounded decision-making, not only on Vietnam, but also on Aden, the Nigerian civil war and Rhodesia. Economic weakness, waning military strength, Cold War tensions and the need to placate allies all placed limits on what a once-great but now clearly declining power could achieve. Furthermore the government proved of pivotal importance in the history of Britain's international role, in that it presided over a major shift from positions East of Suez to a focus on European concerns, a focus that has remained until the present day. The book will be of vital importance to students of British history and international relations during this exciting period. Together with the other books in the series, on domestic policy and economic policy, it provides a complete picture of the development of Britain under the premiership of Harold Wilson. -- .

In his book Dr Morgan describes the relations between the First International and the first German socialist parties, the General German Workers' Union, founded by Ferdinand Lassalle and led by J. B. von Schweitzer, and the rival organisation of Wilhelm Liebknecht and August Bebel, whose programme was partly inspired by Marx. In particular Dr Morgan studies the attempts of the International's leaders, especially the German exiles Marx and Johann Philipp Becker, to spread its influence in Germany. Dr Morgan's study is not simply a history of socialist ideas, but an analysis of one source of these ideas - the International - and its influence on the problems of organisation and personalities facing the German Labour movement. As he shows in his concluding chapter, although the International played a subsidiary role, it did influence the development of German socialist thinking.

A comprehensive study of the ideas and practice of the French Labour Movement between 1900 and 1914. Part one sets the syndicalist movement against its historical background, pointing to the forces which helped to shape the attitudes of the French worker, French political culture, economic developments, the influence of earlier socialist and anarchist thinkers and the failure of parliamentary democracy. The central section examines in detail the ideological development of the French Labour Movement during the syndicalist phase. As Professor Ridley points out, syndicalist ideas are interesting in their own right as part of the history of socialist thought but also because many of them are echoed today by supporters of the 'extra-parliamentary opposition'. There are obvious parallels too, between the 'direct action' of syndicalism and the tactics of present-day movements. In a final section professor Ridley discusses syndicalism in the wider political and ideological context of its time, taking into account the development of the inter-war years.

A sensitive analysis of the thought and intellectual development of G. D. H. Cole (1889 1959) the distinguished Labour historian. Cole's career is traced from his earliest days in the Labour movement to his final years as Chichele Professor of Social and Political Thought at Oxford. Professor Carpenter examines Cole's role in the creation of Guild Socialism; his work in the early 1920s when after the decline of Guild Socialism, he turned towards the analysis of policies, research through the New Statesman and the New Fabian Research Bureau and teaching at Oxford; his attempts to provide a policy for the Left in the 1930s, the idea of economic planning and the Popular Front; his activities during the Second World War; and his place in the debates over the Labour movement's cause after the 1945 government. Finally Professor Carpenter discusses Cole's courageous recognition, towards the end of his life, that Socialism had not come and his attempts to start a new cycle of research in one of the first efforts to create a New Left.

This is the third and final volume of the letters of Sidney and Beatrice Webb. As leading figures in the Fabian Society, prominent historians and public figures, they numbered among their correspondents some of the most outstanding personalities of their day, including E. M. Forster, H. G. Wells, J. M. Keynes, William Beveridge and Leonard Woolf. The letters in this volume run from 1912, when the Webbs signalled a fresh start in British politics by founding the New Statesman, to the death of Beatrice in 1943 and Sidney in 1947.

In this study Dr Zukin combines the approaches of a political scientist and a sociologist to examine the distance between theory and practice in the lives of ordinary Yugoslavs living under socialist self-management. Going beyond previous work on socialist societies, she asks how Yugoslavs - as workers, as citizens and as a society - have benefited from the form of socialism that they have pioneered. She also considers the relevance of the official ideology of self-management, institutions like workers' councils and communes, and political and economic controls to post-industrial as well as industrializing societies. The book includes long passages from intensive, in-depth interviews with members of ten Belgrade families. The families, which are described in terms of their place in the Yugoslav social structure, indicate their political and socialist ideology through telling their life stories, interpreting their own place in social changes, and reacting to these changes and pressures. Participant-observation of local voters meetings provides an examination of give-and-take in Yugoslav grass-roots politics.

Sidney and Beatrice Webb were among the outstanding political personalities in the period 1890 1945. They were leading figures in the Fabian Society, prominent historians, and founders of the London School of Economics and the New Statesman. They exchanged letters with many of the leading figures in the political, intellectual and literary worlds of the time, among them Herbert Asquith, Ramsay MacDonald, George Bernard Shaw and Bertrand Russell. Volume II of the letters covers the years between the Webb marriage and their return from Asia in 1912. They were the prime years of the partnership, in which the Webbs came to dominate the Fabian Society, founded the London School of Economics and launched their campaign for the reform of the Poor Law.

The Webbs were a unique partnership. Their idea of 'the inevitability of gradualness' dominated the Fabian Society and Labour thinking for half a century, though their theory of political permeation also led them into close association with Liberal and Conservative politicians. They were scholars as well as propagandists, writing massive histories of trade unionism and local government, and the famous Minority Report of the Royal Commission on the Poor Law which paved the way for the welfare state. They were the founders of the London School of Economics and of the New Statesman. This crowded public life is reflected in the hundreds of letters they exchanged in their long lifetimes, as well as in their correspondence with many of the outstanding personalities of their day, including Herbert Asquith, Joseph Chamberlain, William Beveridge, E. M. Forster, R. B. Haldane, J. M. Keynes, Ramsay MacDonald, Alfred Marshall, Sydney Olivier, G. B. Shaw, Charlotte Shaw, Bertrand Russell, Herbert Samuel, Herbert Spencer, Graham Wallas, H. G. Wells and Leonard Woolf. Their letters also reveal the hidden but intense emotional character of their relationship.

This book focuses on the beleagured position of the SPD in Imperial Germany after the fall of Bismarck and underlines the enormous difficulties the party faced in establishing a right to political dissent. Dr Hall describes the development of the party press and analyses the relationship between SPD journalists and officialdom. He looks at Wilhelmine society and politics through the magnifying glass of the socialist press and shows how the law courts and the police were directed towards the suppression of free speech, as well as highlighting the important role of non-democratic forces in the state, such as the military. This use of the law as an instrument of repression, coupled with official discrimination against the working class, and the plethora of political malpractices, together with evidence of the personal failings and weaknesses of leading establishment figures, were all used by the SPD press as propaganda against the establishment and as a barometer of the impending collapse of society. The book will appeal to political scientists, especially those interested in the development of socialist thought, as well as to historians of Imperial Germany.