This book presents a systematic challenge to the widely-held view that Marxism is unable to deal adequately with environmental issues. Jonathan Hughes responds to criticisms of Marx's theory of history from environmental theorists, and offers an interpretation and reconstruction of key Marxian concepts, designed to show that the theory need not have harmful ecological consequences. He argues that the communist principle "to each according to his needs" must rest on a conception of needs that may be satisfied by a modest and ecologically-feasible expansion of productive output.

For those who want to build a fighting labor movement, there are many questions to answer. How to relate to the union establishment which often does not want to fight? Whether to work in the rank and file of unions or staff jobs? How much to prioritize broader class demands versus shop floor struggle? How to relate to foundation-funded worker centers and alternative union efforts? And most critically, how can we revive militancy and union power in the face of corporate power and a legal system set up against us? Class struggle unionism is the belief that our union struggle exists within a larger struggle between an exploiting billionaire class and the working class which actually produces the goods and services in society. Class struggle unionism looks at the employment transaction as inherently exploitative. While workers create all wealth in society, the outcome of the wage employment transaction is to separate workers from that wealth and create the billionaire class. From that simple proposition flows a powerful and radical form of unionism. Historically, class struggle unionists placed their workplace fights squarely within this larger fight between workers and the owning class. Viewing unionism in this way produces a particular type of unionism which both fights for broader class issues but is also rooted in workplace-based militancy. Drawing on years of labor activism and study of labor tradition Joe Burns outlines the key set of ideas common to class struggle unionism and shows how these ideas can create a more militant, democratic and fighting labor movement.

After a turbulent century characterized by vast bloodshed, but also by the spread of democratic government and humane values, the author suggests that the great democracies - led by Britain, France, Germany, Japan and the United States - should form an intercontinental community of democracies - a Pax Democratica according to the author. He argues that such a union will culminate centuries of evolution in world order: from empires to balance-of-power Realpolitik , more recently from cooperative international institutions to an era of supranational communities, composed of likeminded peoples and organized around democratic principles.

Originally published in 1974, The Social Analysis of Class Structure is an edited collection addressing class formation and class relations in industrial society. The range and variety of the contributions provide a useful guide to the central concerns of British sociology in the 1970s. Encompassing general theorizing and empirical investigation, the book examines the treatment of crucial issues of the day, such as the relationships between race and class formation, and sexual subordination, as well addressing historical questions such as the Victorian labour aristocracy and the incorporation of the working class.

This book has been almost seven years in the making. Though the work has certainly not been continuous for all those years, it was a major focus of the three of us for most of them. It is a tribute to Paulo Freire, his courage, his humanity, and the timelessness and relevancy of his ideas that our work on this manuscript was never tedious, never dull, and never a burden, but rather a constant source of joy, inspiration, and discovery. Although the book was always intended to be a critical but friendly description and analysis of Freire's efforts as Secretary of Education, the need to disseminate information about this radical educational reform became even more urgent after the sad news of Paulo Freire's death in May 1997. Thus, while this text is the result of the scholarly efforts of three researchers, it is also a celebration of a revolutionary thinker who had the unique opportunity to make his ideas concrete and therefore affect the lives of countless young children in his native country. We dedicate our efforts on this volume to Paulo Freire and to the hundreds of educators in Sao Paulo whom he inspired to work tirelessly in creating a happy, democratic school dedicated to serving poor and working class children and their communities. It has been our pleasure and privilege to have worked with Paulo Freire and the many educators involved in educational reform in Sao Paulo. Their commitment, courage, political clarity and struggle for social justice and equality are a constant source of motivation and inspiration for us to renew and reinvigorate our own efforts in the fight for equal rights, decency and justice.

The book provides a genealogy of 'dialectical materialism' by tracing the development of Marxist ideas from their origins in German philosophical thought to the ideology of the social-democratic groups in Russia in the 1890s, from which Lenin and the revolutionary generation emerged. It reconstructs Marx's original conceptions and examines the modifications that were made to them by himself and by his Russian followers, which eventually gave rise to the doctrine of 'dialectical materialism', first expounded by Plekhanov.

Engels Today marks the centenary of Frederick Engels death through a collection of papers engaging with the thought of Marx's only close collaborator, who was influential in his own right, as well as in his attempted popularisation of 'Marxism'. Specialists in different disciplines here address what is still alive in Engels' contributions to them; they discuss matters that remain influential, or controversial, in the works of this great socialist and thinker, relating to Nature, Science, Women, Revolution, Democracy, Economics, Materialism and Class.

Based on in-depth interviews with 74 intellectuals of the Lefts in Cuba and Mexico, "Reinventing Revolution" explores the rapidly changing thinking of progressives on the big--and enduring--questions of democracy, economic alternatives, and national sovereignty. Offering a unique world-systems perspective on the sociology of intellectuals and ideology, Edward McCaughan concludes that the collapse of state socialism, the rise of neoliberalism, and accelerated economic globalization have deeply challenged the old paradigms of Latin America's socialist and nationalist lefts and have given rise to renovative ideas that defy both Marxist and liberal orthodoxies. The book's findings are relevant not only throughout Latin America but in Eastern Europe, Russia, South Africa, India, and other regions of the world where political, social, and intellectual forces continue to defy predictions about the "end of history." "Reinventing Revolution" will be an invaluable resource for anyone interested in Latin American politics and political theory, the sociology of intellectuals and ideology, and nationalism and revolution in the Third World.

The Quest for Evolutionary Socialism uses Eduard Bernstein's life and works as the basis for an examination of the interactions between European social democratic politics and socialist political ideas. It is thus a timely response to the need for a new, comprehensive biography of Bernstein, the German 'Father of Marxist Revisionism'. Professor Steger incorporates recent academic developments and addresses current debates on the 'End of Socialism' resulting from the collapse of Marxism-Leninism and the chronic ailments of European social democracy. This study is set within the historical context of the European labour movement and thus Steger interprets Bernstein's 'Evolutionary Socialism' as an ethically motivated quest for liberty, solidarity and distributive justice. Steger stresses that the future of social democracy depends on its ability to heed Bernstein's call for critical self-reflection and to reorientate towards more liberal ideals.

This book makes the case for an inclusive form of socialist feminism that puts women with multiple disadvantages at its heart. It moves feminism beyond contemporary disputes, including those between some feminists and some trans women. Combining academic rigour with accessibility, the book demystifies some key feminist terms, including patriarchy and intersectionality, and shows their relevance to feminist politics today. It argues that the analysis of gender cannot be isolated from that of class or race, and that the needs of most women will not be met in an economy based on the pursuit of profit. Throughout, the book asserts the social, economic and human importance of the unpaid caring and domestic work that has been traditionally done by women. It concludes that there are some grounds for optimism about a future that could be both more feminist and more socialist. -- .

This English-language edition, prepared in collaboration with the Institute of Marxism-Leninism in Moscow, contains the second volume of Das Capital, the classic text of Marxism for economists, social scientists, philosophers, students and political activitists alike.

'Any reader wanting to understand the background to Tony Blair's New Labour project should read this book - the most thoroughly researched, comprehensive and authoritative study of policy and policy-making in Labour's crisis years when the party's governing and vote-winning capabilities were seriously undermined.' Professor Patrick Seyd, University of Sheffield;'An excellent book - well written, well researched and a very good read...of great interest to students of both modern British and comparative politics.' - Professor Sven Steinmo, University of Colorado;Economic Strategy and the Labour Party examines the nature and development of the Labour party's economic policy between 1970 and 1983. Drawing on extensive archival research, Mark Wickham-Jones analyses the radical nature of the new proposals adopted by the party in 1973 and charts the opposition of Labour's leadership to them. The resulting disunity was the central cause of leftwingers' demands to reform Labour's constitutional structure and of the party's election defeat in 1983. Mark Wickham-Jones assesses the nature of Labour's social democratic objectives and the organisational structure of the party. In the Epilogue he

This comparative and theoretical account of the heritage and prospects of socialism in Western Europe characterises socialist political theory as transformative. Socialists counterpose objective social appraisal, such as the theory of capitalism, to implausibly ambitious agents of change - the proletariat or the interventionist state. This framework of analysis generates a comparative account of European socialist parties and their attitudes to international institutions - especially the European Union - and suggests a favourable prognosis for the future of socialism.

To begin with, rational choice Marxism, promised to construct historical explanations and social theories with clarity and rigour. Subsequently, it took a `political turn' in addressing issues of class and production, and the prospects for electoral socialism. This anthology commences with the founding classics - Erik Olin Wright's `What is Analytical Marxism?' and Alan Carling's spirited challenge to the Marxist establishment - which are answered with critical responses detailed by Ellen Meiksins Wood and Michael Burawoy in previously uncollected debates. Also included are further debates charting the historical progression of rational choice Marxism. The editors demonstrate that the clarity and rigour originally promised by the rational choice Marxists was never in fact achieved, but that rational choice Marxism has considerably enhanced the theoretical treatment of class and production in a world of commodification and difference.

This is the first detailed survey of democratic ideas on the British Left in the period leading to 1914. Socialists of the late nineteenth century inherited assumptions about the priority of democracy from a long tradition of British Radicalism. However, the advent of the Fabians, who rejected this tradition as primitive, and of an ILP leadership more concerned to enter than reform parliament, meant that the movement was split between 'strong' and 'weak' views of democracy. By the eve of the First World War a consensus was emerging that might have formed the basis for a more realistic and more radical approach to democracy than has actually been pursued by the Labour Party and the Left during the twentieth century. Democratic Ideas and the British Labour Movement assesses an important debate in the history of socialist ideas and in the formation of the British Labour movement.

Eugene V. Debs exploded upon the national scene in 1894 as the leader of a sensational strike by his American Railway Union (ARU) against the Pullman Parlor Car Company-a job stoppage which paralyzed the country's transportation network for nearly two weeks. On January 1, 1897, the polarizing public figure Debs declared his allegiance to international socialism, emerging as the most widely recognized socialist in America. He would thereafter tour the country relentlessly, speaking to large audiences and writing hundreds of articles on political and economic themes over the ensuing three decades. Debs almost singlehandedly established a new political party, the Social Democracy of America, in the summer of 1897, building upon the remnants of the depleted ARU. The organization advanced a double agenda, seeking to promote both electoral politics and the construction of socialist colonies on the frontier-a dual focus which led to internal tensions and a bitter split. In 1898 Debs cast his lot with Milwaukee publisher Victor L. Berger in a new organization dedicated to political action, the Social Democratic Party of America. After a split of the older and larger Socialist Labor Party of America in 1899, protracted unity discussions between the Debs group and an organized body of former SLP dissidents ensued. This unity effort was marked by Debs's first run for president of the United States on a joint Social Democratic ticket in November 1900. After heated on-again off-again negotiation between the two groups, a marriage was finally brokered in the summer of 1901 and the Socialist Party of America was launched. The party would soon grow to become the third biggest in American politics, with Debs enthusiastically heading the Socialist ticket in 1904 in the second of his five runs for the presidency.

It is detailed and thorough; it adjusts its treatment to emphasise highlights such as the Hungarian uprising, the Prague Spring and the Solidarity triumph and to make useful comparisons between them.' - Professor W.V. Wallace, Europe-Asia Studies; What was communism in Eastern Europe all about? Fowkes' book is a good place to look for some answers. In ten concise chapters he guides us across the geographic and political landscape of post-World War II Eastern Europe ...There is enough detail to prove helpful to both generalists and specialists.' - Professor B.P. Menard, Millennium;Journal of International Studies ; Communist parties came to power in a variety of ways, usually by force, often with the acquiescence of people who hoped for a better future. Then came the imposition of Stalinism. Ben Fowkes' book examines all this, and subsequent crises in Hungary, Poland and Czechoslovakia. Declining communist morale, rising dissent, economic failure and the changing role of the Soviet Union are given their due place. Finally the mechanism of the collapse of communism in 1989 is laid bare. The present paperback edition includes some new material on Yugoslavia and an introduction outli

This book responds to recent events by proposing a radical reshaping of Marxist theory. Taking the core problem as that of the historical subject, it conceptualises human life in terms of four interrelated practices. It explores these in turn in the context of a capitalism divided into 'centre' and 'periphery', primarily through nine 'theoretical reconstructions', which attempt to meet such problems as the labour theory of value, the nature and role of the state, and consciousness.

This book steers a middle path between those who argue that the theories of Marx and Engels have been rendered obsolete by historical events and those who reply that these theories emerge untouched from the political changes of the last ten years.Marxism has been a theory of historical change that claimed to be able to predict with considerable accuracy how existing institutions were going to change. Marxism has also been a political program designed to show how these inevitable changes could be hastened. Richard Schmitt argues that Marxian predictions are ambiguous and unreliable, adding that the political program is vitiated by serious ambiguities in the conceptions of class and of political and social transformations. Marxism remains of importance, however, because it is the major source of criticisms of capitalism and its associated social and political institutions. We must understand such criticisms if we are to understand our own world and live in it effectively. While very critical of the failures of Marx and Engels, this book offers a sympathetic account of their criticism of capitalism and their visions of a better world, mentions some interpretive controversies, and connects the questions raised by Marx and Engels to contemporary disputes to show continuity between social thought in the middle of the last century and today.Addressed to undergraduate students, the book is easily accessible. It will be important in introductory or middle-level courses in sociology, political theory, critical theory of literature or law. It will also be useful in graduate courses in political theory, sociology, and economics.

Marx's undeveloped ideas about how society presents a misleading appearance which distorts its members' understanding of it have been the subject of many conflicting interpretations. In this book John Torrance takes a fresh, un-Marxist approach to Marx's texts and shows that a more precise, coherent and cogent sociology of ideas can be extracted from them than is generally allowed. The implications of this for twentieth-century capitalism and for recent debates about Marx's conceptions of justice, morality and the history of social science are explored. The author argues that Marx's theory of ideas is sufficiently independent of other parts of his thought to provide a critique and explanation of those defects in his own understanding of capitalism which allowed Marxism itself to become, by his own definition, an ideology.

This book, originally published in 1923, embodies two related and yet distinct types of sociological endeavour. It is a study in the history of social thought, a field which had only been receiving serious and widespread attention in recent years, and attempts to give an historical cross-section of representative Utopian thought at the time. But it is also a study in social idealism, a study in the origin, selection and potency of those social ideas and ideals that occasional and usually exceptional men conceive, with particular emphasis upon their relation to social progress. It was the first book that attempted to give an unprejudiced, systematic treatment of the social Utopias as a whole.

Capitalism is hegemonic today not because it is the best we fallible humans can do but because it supports, and is supported by, special interests of immense power. This book argues that Economic Democracy, a competitive economy of democratically run enterprises that replaces capitalist financial markets with more suitable institutions, will be more efficient than capitalism, more rational in its growth, more democratic, more egalitarian, and less alienating."Against Capitalism" is an ambitious book, drawing on philosophical analysis, economic theory, and considerable empirical evidence to advance its controversial thesis. It examines both conservative and liberal forms of capitalism; it compares Economic Democracy to other models of socialism; and it considers the transition to Economic Democracy from advanced capitalist societies, from economies built on the Soviet model, and from conditions of underdevelopment. The book concludes with some unconventional reflections on historical materialism, ideal communism, and the future of Marxism.

Providing an introductory account of the Labour Party from its foundation, this book covers the whole period up to the General Election of 1992 and the subsequent choice of John Smith to succeed Neil Kinnock as party leader. It also discusses the role of labour unions within the party.

On the basis of a distinctive "material-cultural" approach to ethics, this book puts the case for radically changing the conventional terms of debate in respect to two intersecting issues: the problem of sexual harrassment, and the place of "citizenship" in socialist political theory and programmes. In so doing, this book of essays makes clear the implication of viewing both liberalism and its limits as aspects of "governmentality" (in Michel Foucault's sense) which cannot be reduced to the language of political philosophy and the debates which surround it. The study presents an anthropological rather than philosophical view of ethics and attempts to think through the ethical aspects of citizenship and participatory democracy. By the author of "Genealogies of Moral".

IstvAn MeszAros's bold new study analyzes the historical choices facing us at the outset of the new millennium. Drawing on the theoretical arguments of his monumental and widely-acclaimed work, Beyond Capital, MA(c)szAros shows that the economic boom of the 1990s was built not only on the foundation of new, digital technologies but also on a new social and ethical basis. In the global quest for profit, capitalism has abandoned its claims to serve a larger historical cause. Even in the wealthiest capitalist economies, unemployment has become structural and conditions of life have become more onerous for most of the population.

The failure of capitalism's historical mission is most evident in the end of the project of "Third World modernization" so essential to the claims of U.S. global power to represent an advance on old-style imperialism. MA(c)szaros develops an illuminating analysis of the roots and tensions of the politics of U.S. global power from the time of Roosevelt's "Open Door" policy to the present. Against this historical background, he examines the dilemmas which will be faced in the making of U.S. foreign policy towards Chinathe largest and most rapidly-expanding national market in the global economy and the newly-emerging rival to U.S. global dominance. MA(c)szAros shows how this process is rooted in the historical logic of contemporary capitalism, and is neither accidental nor temporary. In the process, he gives new meaning and urgency to the alternatives posed by Rosa Luxemburg at the beginning of the 20th century: socialism or barbarism.

MA(c)szAros also explores the conditions for the emergence of a radical alternative to capitalism, arguing that a criticalre-examination of earlier movements and struggles is an essential task for the emergence of such an alternative. As a sequel to his essay, an extended interview deals with more reflectively with the main categories underlying his analysis and relates it to developments within the broader analysis of modern society.