The perfect stocking filler, Secret Santa gift or conversation starter for Corbyn haters and lovers this Christmas! This is the man In His Own Words. This is Corbyn on Party Politics, Vision & Principles, Defiance, Leadership and World Affairs, plus a special chapter to capture all his Observations. And if The Little Book of Corbyn isn't enough, you can collect, compare and contrast the wisdom of Trump, Boris and Corbyn with the full set of in His Own Word titles. Use them to start a lively debate*, to induce a case of riotous laughter, to inspire or to keep you entertained on the loo. *Orange Hippo! publishing takes no responsibility for debates that get out of hand at the pub quiz, office Christmas party or anywhere else. Please read, think and debate responsibly.

The twentieth century witnessed a profound shift in both socialism and social reform. In the early 1900s, social reform seemed to offer a veritable religion of redemption, but by the century's end, while socialism remained a vibrant force in European society, a culture of extreme individualism and consumption all but squeezed the welfare state out of existence. Documenting this historic change, After Progress: European Socialism and American Social Reform in the 20th Century is the first truly comprehensive look at the course of social reform and Western politics after Communism, brilliantly explained by a major social thinker of our time.

The Labour Prime Minister Ramsay MacDonald broke with his party in the financial crisis of August 1931. Thereafter, he and his small band of supporters were reviled in Labour circles as traitors, yet he had previously dominated the Labour Party for almost a decade. This book explores the development of the Labour Party culture that upheld MacDonald but was later used against him. The result is a distinctive understanding of the 1931 crisis from within the Labour Movement.

This ground-breaking analysis confronts us with three fundamental questions on the socialist experiment in Russia: How did Marxist ideas come to be implemented in Russia, a country entirely unsuited to them? Why did the experiment lead to such suffering and upheaval and prove so fruitless? And why did the attempt to return to a proper Marxism//Leninism bring about the rapid collapse of Soviet Russia?In order to answer these questions, John Gooding examines the legacy of Lenin. In particular he investigates the two conflicting posthumous views on Lenin's character. On the one hand, Lenin was perceived - largely due to Stalin - as a godlike figure, embodying the omniscience and might of the party. On the other, he was known - mainly amongst intellectuals and later perestroika reformers - as a Marxist idealist, an anti-Stalinist and a democrat. It was this latter perception, the author argues, that brought the socialist experiment in Russia to its disastrous conclusion.

In 1940, Daily Telegraph correspondent Henry Buckley published his eyewitness account of his experiences reporting form the Spanish Civil War. The copies of the book, stored in a warehouse in London, were destroyed during the Blitz and only a handful of copies of his unique chronicle were saved. Now, eighty years after its first publication, this exceptional eyewitness account of the war is republished with a new introduction by acclaimed scholar Paul Preston. The Life and Death of the Spanish Republic is a unique account of Spanish politics throughout the Second Republic, from its foundation of 14 April 1931 to its defeat at the end of March 1939. It combines personal recollections of meetings with the great politicians of the day and intimate accounts of dramatic events with a deep understanding of Spain - its people, politics and culture. Providing a fascinating portrait of a crucial decade of contemporary Spanish history and based on an abundance of the witness material, this important book is one of the most enduring records of the Second Republic and is therefore essential reading for anyone interested in the Spanish Civil War.

My Life's Battles is one of the first true working-class autobiographies, the story of Will Thorne, who helped to make a better world for ordinary people. Thorne's life story is a journey from tenements and factories to the corridors of power and the barricades of the Russian Revolution. Thorne began his working life as a six-year-old child labourer. His politics were shaped by his adventures with the tramping navvies, and forged among the roaring furnaces of the Beckton Gasworks in East London. As a semi-skilled industrial labourer, he founded the Gasworkers' Union, campaigned on behalf of the unemployed and fighting for the Eight Hour Day. Eleanor Marx helped him learn to read and write. He eventually became the General Secretary of the General and Municipal Workers union, and was an East London MP for forty years. Along the way, Thorne experienced the street fights and bitter strikes that represented the struggles of British Socialism and that gave rise to the Labour Movement. He oversaw the development of these battles into the creation of the Welfare State. Thorne's is a story of success, and one for celebration, but it is most importantly about one individual's achievements for the many, rather than for his own worldly gain. Sometimes fact is more fantastical - and liberating - than fiction.

How are the policies, meaning and ideology of social democracy changing and what is the context for this change? To what extent are social democratic parties converging or diverging according to national traditions? What criticism are there of recent social democracy and what alternatives exist? This book offers a distinctive approach to answering these questions. By drawing on a wide range of political and ideological perspectives, the contributors have produced an interdisciplinary work of great theoretical and empirical value. They analyze developments in social democracy against the background of globalization, Europeanization and different national traditions. The perspectives range from the critical to the sympathetic, including discussion of where social democracy is going, as well as the argument that it provides no future for radical politics at all.

Murray Bookchin has been a dynamic revolutionary propagandist since the 1930s when, as a teenager, he orated before socialist crowds in New York City and engaged in support work for those fighting Franco in the Spanish Civil War.
Now, for the first time in book form, this volume presents a series of exciting and engaged interviews with, and essays from, the founder of social ecology.
This expansive collection ranges over, amongst others, Bookchin's account of his teenage years as a young Communist during the Great Depression, his experiences of the 1960s and reflections on that decade's lessons, his vision of a libertarian communist society, libertarian politics, the future of anarchism, and the unity of theory and practice. He goes on to assess the crisis of radicalism today and defends the need for a revolutionary Left. Finally, he states what is to be valued in both anarchism and Marxism in building such a Left and offers guidelines for forming a new revolutionary social movement.

Sidney and Beatrice Webb are the most important British contributors to the socialist tradition. They had a hand in founding many of the institutions that form the fabric of British society; notably the Fabian society, the Labour Party, the London School of Economics, the New Statesman , the Political Quarterly and Tribune. This is the first authorized biography of the Webbs commissioned by the Passfield Trustees; this life of the 'oddest couple since Adam and Eve' differs from previous studies in considering their literary and institution-building accomplishments and not just their personal idiosyncrasies.

For those who want to build a fighting labor movement, there are many questions to answer. How to relate to the union establishment which often does not want to fight? Whether to work in the rank and file of unions or staff jobs? How much to prioritize broader class demands versus shop floor struggle? How to relate to foundation-funded worker centers and alternative union efforts? And most critically, how can we revive militancy and union power in the face of corporate power and a legal system set up against us? Class struggle unionism is the belief that our union struggle exists within a larger struggle between an exploiting billionaire class and the working class which actually produces the goods and services in society. Class struggle unionism looks at the employment transaction as inherently exploitative. While workers create all wealth in society, the outcome of the wage employment transaction is to separate workers from that wealth and create the billionaire class. From that simple proposition flows a powerful and radical form of unionism. Historically, class struggle unionists placed their workplace fights squarely within this larger fight between workers and the owning class. Viewing unionism in this way produces a particular type of unionism which both fights for broader class issues but is also rooted in workplace-based militancy. Drawing on years of labor activism and study of labor tradition Joe Burns outlines the key set of ideas common to class struggle unionism and shows how these ideas can create a more militant, democratic and fighting labor movement.

After a turbulent century characterized by vast bloodshed, but also by the spread of democratic government and humane values, the author suggests that the great democracies - led by Britain, France, Germany, Japan and the United States - should form an intercontinental community of democracies - a Pax Democratica according to the author. He argues that such a union will culminate centuries of evolution in world order: from empires to balance-of-power Realpolitik , more recently from cooperative international institutions to an era of supranational communities, composed of likeminded peoples and organized around democratic principles.

Originally published in 1974, The Social Analysis of Class Structure is an edited collection addressing class formation and class relations in industrial society. The range and variety of the contributions provide a useful guide to the central concerns of British sociology in the 1970s. Encompassing general theorizing and empirical investigation, the book examines the treatment of crucial issues of the day, such as the relationships between race and class formation, and sexual subordination, as well addressing historical questions such as the Victorian labour aristocracy and the incorporation of the working class.

This book has been almost seven years in the making. Though the work has certainly not been continuous for all those years, it was a major focus of the three of us for most of them. It is a tribute to Paulo Freire, his courage, his humanity, and the timelessness and relevancy of his ideas that our work on this manuscript was never tedious, never dull, and never a burden, but rather a constant source of joy, inspiration, and discovery. Although the book was always intended to be a critical but friendly description and analysis of Freire's efforts as Secretary of Education, the need to disseminate information about this radical educational reform became even more urgent after the sad news of Paulo Freire's death in May 1997. Thus, while this text is the result of the scholarly efforts of three researchers, it is also a celebration of a revolutionary thinker who had the unique opportunity to make his ideas concrete and therefore affect the lives of countless young children in his native country. We dedicate our efforts on this volume to Paulo Freire and to the hundreds of educators in Sao Paulo whom he inspired to work tirelessly in creating a happy, democratic school dedicated to serving poor and working class children and their communities. It has been our pleasure and privilege to have worked with Paulo Freire and the many educators involved in educational reform in Sao Paulo. Their commitment, courage, political clarity and struggle for social justice and equality are a constant source of motivation and inspiration for us to renew and reinvigorate our own efforts in the fight for equal rights, decency and justice.

Engels Today marks the centenary of Frederick Engels death through a collection of papers engaging with the thought of Marx's only close collaborator, who was influential in his own right, as well as in his attempted popularisation of 'Marxism'. Specialists in different disciplines here address what is still alive in Engels' contributions to them; they discuss matters that remain influential, or controversial, in the works of this great socialist and thinker, relating to Nature, Science, Women, Revolution, Democracy, Economics, Materialism and Class.

Based on in-depth interviews with 74 intellectuals of the Lefts in Cuba and Mexico, "Reinventing Revolution" explores the rapidly changing thinking of progressives on the big--and enduring--questions of democracy, economic alternatives, and national sovereignty. Offering a unique world-systems perspective on the sociology of intellectuals and ideology, Edward McCaughan concludes that the collapse of state socialism, the rise of neoliberalism, and accelerated economic globalization have deeply challenged the old paradigms of Latin America's socialist and nationalist lefts and have given rise to renovative ideas that defy both Marxist and liberal orthodoxies. The book's findings are relevant not only throughout Latin America but in Eastern Europe, Russia, South Africa, India, and other regions of the world where political, social, and intellectual forces continue to defy predictions about the "end of history." "Reinventing Revolution" will be an invaluable resource for anyone interested in Latin American politics and political theory, the sociology of intellectuals and ideology, and nationalism and revolution in the Third World.

The Quest for Evolutionary Socialism uses Eduard Bernstein's life and works as the basis for an examination of the interactions between European social democratic politics and socialist political ideas. It is thus a timely response to the need for a new, comprehensive biography of Bernstein, the German 'Father of Marxist Revisionism'. Professor Steger incorporates recent academic developments and addresses current debates on the 'End of Socialism' resulting from the collapse of Marxism-Leninism and the chronic ailments of European social democracy. This study is set within the historical context of the European labour movement and thus Steger interprets Bernstein's 'Evolutionary Socialism' as an ethically motivated quest for liberty, solidarity and distributive justice. Steger stresses that the future of social democracy depends on its ability to heed Bernstein's call for critical self-reflection and to reorientate towards more liberal ideals.

This book makes the case for an inclusive form of socialist feminism that puts women with multiple disadvantages at its heart. It moves feminism beyond contemporary disputes, including those between some feminists and some trans women. Combining academic rigour with accessibility, the book demystifies some key feminist terms, including patriarchy and intersectionality, and shows their relevance to feminist politics today. It argues that the analysis of gender cannot be isolated from that of class or race, and that the needs of most women will not be met in an economy based on the pursuit of profit. Throughout, the book asserts the social, economic and human importance of the unpaid caring and domestic work that has been traditionally done by women. It concludes that there are some grounds for optimism about a future that could be both more feminist and more socialist. -- .

This English-language edition, prepared in collaboration with the Institute of Marxism-Leninism in Moscow, contains the second volume of Das Capital, the classic text of Marxism for economists, social scientists, philosophers, students and political activitists alike.

The book provides a genealogy of 'dialectical materialism' by tracing the development of Marxist ideas from their origins in German philosophical thought to the ideology of the social-democratic groups in Russia in the 1890s, from which Lenin and the revolutionary generation emerged. It reconstructs Marx's original conceptions and examines the modifications that were made to them by himself and by his Russian followers, which eventually gave rise to the doctrine of 'dialectical materialism', first expounded by Plekhanov.

'Any reader wanting to understand the background to Tony Blair's New Labour project should read this book - the most thoroughly researched, comprehensive and authoritative study of policy and policy-making in Labour's crisis years when the party's governing and vote-winning capabilities were seriously undermined.' Professor Patrick Seyd, University of Sheffield;'An excellent book - well written, well researched and a very good read...of great interest to students of both modern British and comparative politics.' - Professor Sven Steinmo, University of Colorado;Economic Strategy and the Labour Party examines the nature and development of the Labour party's economic policy between 1970 and 1983. Drawing on extensive archival research, Mark Wickham-Jones analyses the radical nature of the new proposals adopted by the party in 1973 and charts the opposition of Labour's leadership to them. The resulting disunity was the central cause of leftwingers' demands to reform Labour's constitutional structure and of the party's election defeat in 1983. Mark Wickham-Jones assesses the nature of Labour's social democratic objectives and the organisational structure of the party. In the Epilogue he

This comparative and theoretical account of the heritage and prospects of socialism in Western Europe characterises socialist political theory as transformative. Socialists counterpose objective social appraisal, such as the theory of capitalism, to implausibly ambitious agents of change - the proletariat or the interventionist state. This framework of analysis generates a comparative account of European socialist parties and their attitudes to international institutions - especially the European Union - and suggests a favourable prognosis for the future of socialism.

To begin with, rational choice Marxism, promised to construct historical explanations and social theories with clarity and rigour. Subsequently, it took a `political turn' in addressing issues of class and production, and the prospects for electoral socialism. This anthology commences with the founding classics - Erik Olin Wright's `What is Analytical Marxism?' and Alan Carling's spirited challenge to the Marxist establishment - which are answered with critical responses detailed by Ellen Meiksins Wood and Michael Burawoy in previously uncollected debates. Also included are further debates charting the historical progression of rational choice Marxism. The editors demonstrate that the clarity and rigour originally promised by the rational choice Marxists was never in fact achieved, but that rational choice Marxism has considerably enhanced the theoretical treatment of class and production in a world of commodification and difference.

This is the first detailed survey of democratic ideas on the British Left in the period leading to 1914. Socialists of the late nineteenth century inherited assumptions about the priority of democracy from a long tradition of British Radicalism. However, the advent of the Fabians, who rejected this tradition as primitive, and of an ILP leadership more concerned to enter than reform parliament, meant that the movement was split between 'strong' and 'weak' views of democracy. By the eve of the First World War a consensus was emerging that might have formed the basis for a more realistic and more radical approach to democracy than has actually been pursued by the Labour Party and the Left during the twentieth century. Democratic Ideas and the British Labour Movement assesses an important debate in the history of socialist ideas and in the formation of the British Labour movement.

Eugene V. Debs exploded upon the national scene in 1894 as the leader of a sensational strike by his American Railway Union (ARU) against the Pullman Parlor Car Company-a job stoppage which paralyzed the country's transportation network for nearly two weeks. On January 1, 1897, the polarizing public figure Debs declared his allegiance to international socialism, emerging as the most widely recognized socialist in America. He would thereafter tour the country relentlessly, speaking to large audiences and writing hundreds of articles on political and economic themes over the ensuing three decades. Debs almost singlehandedly established a new political party, the Social Democracy of America, in the summer of 1897, building upon the remnants of the depleted ARU. The organization advanced a double agenda, seeking to promote both electoral politics and the construction of socialist colonies on the frontier-a dual focus which led to internal tensions and a bitter split. In 1898 Debs cast his lot with Milwaukee publisher Victor L. Berger in a new organization dedicated to political action, the Social Democratic Party of America. After a split of the older and larger Socialist Labor Party of America in 1899, protracted unity discussions between the Debs group and an organized body of former SLP dissidents ensued. This unity effort was marked by Debs's first run for president of the United States on a joint Social Democratic ticket in November 1900. After heated on-again off-again negotiation between the two groups, a marriage was finally brokered in the summer of 1901 and the Socialist Party of America was launched. The party would soon grow to become the third biggest in American politics, with Debs enthusiastically heading the Socialist ticket in 1904 in the second of his five runs for the presidency.