This book reasserts the need for a bold and revolutionary social imagination, one aimed at saner ways of living and more rational ways of organising society.

The practice of psychodrama allows participants to create a world for themselves, free of usual rules and constraints. This freedom from all ordinary conventions is what Moreno called 'Surplus Reality', and is one of the most vital, curative and mysterious elements of psychodrama.
In this book, Leif Dag Blomkvist and Zerka Moreno explore the depths of this long-neglected concept. In addition, each chapter is prefaced by Leif Dag Blomkvist's explanations and illuminations of the forces and energies - from early religious rituals and festivals to the art of Surrealism - which have influenced psychodrama.
Psychodramatists and mental health professionals who wish to take therapy beyond the 'verbal' will find the book valuable reading.

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This book seeks to explore the understanding of Fabianism of both the Webbs and the Fabian Women's Group and how this understanding shaped their views regarding such gender-centred issues as the family wage; protective labour law; and women's place in the welfare state, the home and the labour market.

This book examines the most economically critical and politically sensitive issues of China's reform process -- labor market development, changing industrial relations, the altered role of trade unions, and labor-state and labor-capital conflict. By examining the nature of contemporary work in various sectors of the Chinese economy, the contributors demonstrate that formal ownership patterns, still heavily dominated by the state, are not a comprehensive guide to the character of the current economic system.

Lentner analyzes four basic components in the formation of states: the capacity to govern, security and freedom of action, economic development strategy, and citizenship and political participation. He focuses on five Central American countries--Costa Rica, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, and Nicaragua. His conceptual guidelines apply to the worldwide strivings today for autonomy, unity, economic development, and democracy. His extensive research into original and little-known secondary sources from the independence of these states to the present both in the United States and Central America make this an unusually rich text for graduate students and scholars dealing with Latin American studies, Inter-American affairs, and U.S. foreign policy.

This socialist history of modern Greece tells the story of its rebirth in struggle, the heroic resistance to Nazi occupation, the civil war and its aftermath, the colonels' dictatorship and its overthrow, the rise and fall of PASOK, the debt crisis, the popular uprising of 2010-12, the election of SYRIZA, the referendum and the subsequent capitulation. What lessons can Greece's experience teach those campaigning against austerity throughout Europe? This book includes an Appendix by Eric Toussaint.

The birth of democracies owes much to the interventions and mobilizations of ordinary people. Yet many feel as though they have inherited democratic institutions which do not deliver for the people - that a rigid democratic process has been imposed from above, with increasing numbers of people feeling left out or left behind. In this well-researched volume, leading political sociologist Donatella della Porta rehabilitates the role social movements have long played in fostering and deepening democracy, particularly focusing on progressive movements of the Left which have sought to broaden the plurality of voices and knowledge in democratic debate. Bridging social movement studies and democratic theory, della Porta investigates contemporary innovations in times of crisis, particularly those in the direction of participatory and deliberative practices - 'crowd-sourced constitutions', referendums from below and movement parties - and reflects on the potential and limits of such alternative politics. In a moment in which concerns increase for the potential disruption of a Great Regression led by xenophobic movements and parties, the cases and analyses of resistance in this volume offer important material for students and scholars of political sociology, political science and social movement studies.

In this stimulating analysis, Hannes Gerhardt outlines the potentials and challenges of a technology-enabled, commons-focused transition out of capitalism. The book shows that openness and cooperation are more beneficial in today’s economies and societies than competition and profit-seeking. Driven by this conviction, Gerhardt identifies key imperatives for overcoming capitalism, from democratizing our digital, material, and financial economies to maintaining a robust, political mobilization. Using clear examples, he explores tactical openings through the lens of ‘compeerism’, a newly constructed framework that highlights the latent counter-capitalist possibilities, but also limits, of our emerging technological landscape. This is an accessible contribution to counter-capitalist discourse that is both inspiring and pragmatic for academics and activists alike.

Contents:
The Professional Paradox. The Generic Concept of Chemical Dependence. Etiologic Variables of Addiction. Initial Steps: Intervention and Diagnosis/Evaluation. The Impaired Physician. Nurses. Pharmacists. Attorneys. Executives. The Recovery Program. Matching the Patient to the Level of Care. Specific Treatments. Twelve?Step Programs. Appendices. Guidelines for Taking a Substance Abuse History. Adult Recovery Services Chemical Dependency. Withdrawal Signs and Symptoms. Impaired Health Professional's Treatment Contract. Routine Substance of Abuse Chain of Custody Form. Support Groups for Alcoholic/Drug Addicted Professionals.

Blair's community, available in paperback for the first time, is an exciting and timely book which challenges the accepted wisdom about the role of communitarian thought in the development of New Labour under Tony Blair. From the mid-1990s there has been a widespread view that Labour policies have reflected, or even been influenced by, the work of communitarian writers like Amitai Etzioni and John MacMurray, and philosophers such as Alasdair MacIntyre and Michael Sandel. The book begins by establishing that such a view was widely, and frequently unquestioningly, held, in both popular and academic forums. It then identifies reasons for the persistence of this impression, the evidence on which it was based, and the understandings of communitarianism used by commentators. The book argues that existing accounts of New Labour's communitarianism' fail to present an accurate picture because they are - in some cases explicitly - working with a generic or composite conception of communitarianism which bears little relation to the work of the communitarian writers whose names have been associated with the party. -- .

During the years between the publication of the first of his two major works, "The Structure of Social Action "(1937), and the writing of his second, "The Social System "(1951), Talcott Parsons was primarily engaged in political activity through the Office of Strategic Services in its efforts to bring about the defeat of the Third Reich and to set the stage for a democratic reconstruction of postwar Germany. Beyond Parsons' analytic skills the essays reveal a dedicated liberal scholar, far removed from the stereotypes with which he came to be pilloried by later critics.
The essays in this collection are the by-products of that special period of intense commitment. They reflect a single dominant theme: National Socialist Germany is seen as a tragically flawed social system but one requiring the same rigorous analysis Parsons brought to more normal and normative systems. Since virulent authoritarianism and even more virulent anti-Semitism were the dominant traits of that system as he saw it, Parsons dedicated many pages to each aspect. While he did not know the full horror of the Nazi "war against the Jews" he was able to develop a theoretical framework that continues to be a foundation stone for the analysis of national socialism.
Gerhardt's editorial labors in the Parsons archive at Harvard have yielded nothing less than a "new book" by the foremost American sociological theorist of his time. This collection of both published and unpublished writings conveys Parsons' cohesive intent. To these otherwise fugitive and neglected essays Gerhardt contributes an introductory essay of her own: in part biography, in part intellectual and social history. She discovered Parsons work on National Socialism while studying his sociology of the professions and his use of medical practice to demonstrate how social science could become an antidote for fascism and authoritarianism.
"Uta Gerhardt" is director of the Medical Sociology Unit at Justus Liebig University, Giessen. She has taught sociology at the Free University of Berlin, the University of Konstanz, the University of California at Berkeley, the San Francisco Medical School, the University of London, and the University of Wisconsin at Madison. The present volume comes out of her sabbatical year as Research Affiliate of the Minda de Gunzburg Center for European Studies, of Harvard University.

Out of early twentieth-century Russia came the world's first significant effort to build a modern revolutionary society. According to Marxist economist Samir Amin, the great upheaval that once produced the Soviet Union has also produced a movement away from capitalism - a long transition that continues even today. In seven concise, provocative chapters, Amin deftly examines the trajectory of Russian capitalism, the Bolshevik Revolution, the collapse of the Soviet Union, the possible future of Russia - and, by extension, the future of socialism itself. Amin manages to combine an analysis of class struggle with geopolitics - each crucial to understanding Russia's singular and complex political history. He first looks at the development (or lack thereof) of Russian capitalism. He sees Russia's geopolitical isolation as the reason its capitalist empire developed so differently from Western Europe, and the reason for Russia's perceived "backwardness." Yet Russia's unique capitalism proved to be the rich soil in which the Bolsheviks were able to take power, and Amin covers the rise and fall of the revolutionary Soviet system. Finally, in a powerful chapter on Ukraine and the rise of global fascism, Amin lays out the conditions necessary for Russia to recreate itself, and perhaps again move down the long road to socialism. Samir Amin's great achievement in this book is not only to explain Russia's historical tragedies and triumphs, but also to temper our hopes for a quick end to an increasingly insufferable capitalism. This book offers a cornucopia of food for thought, as well as an enlightening means to transcend reductionist arguments about "revolution" so common on the left. Samir Amin's book - and the actions that could spring from it - are more necessary than ever, if the world is to avoid the barbarism toward which capitalism is hurling humanity.

This book examines how socioeconomic and institutional factors shaped the development of Socialism and its two contending variants of Social Democracy and Communism, investigating why each of these factions enjoyed varying levels of popularity in different societies between 1840 and 1945. It places a special focus on a number of factors including: inequality; industrialization; urbanization; political freedoms; literacy and education; national sentiments; ethnic fractionalization and other cultural factors. This important study offers a detailed and thorough analysis combining theory, empirical data and a number of important case studies reflecting the different dimensions of Socialism. It offers perspectives on the strength or lack thereof of Social Democracy and Communism during this period across a number of countries, including, Russia, Germany, Sweden, Britain, France, the United States, China, Mexico and many more. The work's multi-faceted approach provides a rich and thorough analysis of Socialism during this period with new and valuable insights stemming from its unique combination of historic analysis, political theory and institutional economics.

Republicanism and the French Revolution provides a new interpretation of political thought and political economy in France from the death of Louis XVI to the July Revolution of 1830. The clash between modern republicanism and other theories of governing societies, typified by the antagonism between French and British intellectuals, is the background to a thorough reinterpretation of the life and writings of Jean-Baptiste Say, the most famous political economist of the post-revolutionary era.

This book traces the crystallisation of post-Marxism as a specific theoretical position in its own right and considers the role played in its development by post-structuralism, postmodernism and second-wave feminism. It examines the history of dissenting tendencies within the Marxist tradition and considers what the future prospects of post-Marxism are likely to be.

Divided into two volumes, The Cambridge History of Socialism offers an up-to-date critical survey of the socialist movements and political practices that have arisen thus far throughout the world. A much-needed corrective of the current state of the study of socialism from a historical perspective, the volumes use a wider geographical and temporal focus to track the changes and trends in global socialisms and to move beyond the European trajectory. Together they cover anarchism, syndicalism, social democracy, labour, the New Left, and alternative socialist movements in the Global South in one encompassing reconstruction. Featuring 55 essays by experts across the field, the volumes will serve as examples of the rich variety of socialist histories and, together, endeavour to reveal the major contours of its development.

The British Labour Party is in crisis. A prolonged period of government between 1997 and 2010 saw the party intellectually exhausted. The subsequent leadership of Ed Miliband ultimately failed with the loss of the 2015 General Election, and the party now finds itself without a clearly defined set of aims and values. Rebuilding Social Democracy is the first major reappraisal of social democracy and thinking on the centre left since the election of Jeremy Corbyn. With a foreword by Peter Hain, it examines the key foundational principles of social democracy, including economic reform, equality, welfare, public service organisation, social cohesion, civil liberties, democratisation, and internationalism, in order to find a route back to political credibility for Labour. Written by leading academics in the field, it identifies the values and objectives needed to move the party forward, and revive left and centre-left thought and practice in Britain as an alternative to Conservative austerity.

Political parties with activists are in decline due to various external shocks. Societal changes, like the emergence of new technologies of communication have diminished the role and number of activists, while party elites increasingly can make do without grassroots activists. However, recent scholarship concerning different democracies has shown how activism still matters for representation. This book contributes to this literature by analyzing the unique case of the Uruguayan Frente Amplio (FA), the only mass-organic, institutionalized leftist party in Latin America. Using thick description, systematic process tracing, and survey research, this case study highlights the value of an organization-centered approach for understanding parties' role in democracy. Within the FA, organizational rules grant activists a significant voice, which imbues activists' participation with a strong sense of efficacy. This book is an excellent resource for scholars and students of Latin America and comparative politics who are interested in political parties and the challenges confronting new democracies.

What's gone wrong with capitalism and how should governments respond? What does the future hold for the Left in the UK in the face of the austerity straitjacket around our politics and media? Anthony Crosland's The Future of Socialism (1956) provided a creed for governments of the centre left until the global banking crisis. Now Peter Hain presents an evidence-based case for a radical alternative to the neo-liberal economic agenda. A substantial new Afterword outlines what the Labour Party needs to do following the 2015 UK General Election to win again by returning to its core values of decency, social justice, equality and prosperity for all. A rousing alternative to the neoliberal, right-wing orthodoxy of our era, Hain's book is now even more essential reading for everyone interested in the future of the left.

Since the Great Financial Crisis swept across the world in 2008, there have been few certainties regarding the trajectory of global capitalism, let alone the politics taking hold in individual states. This has now given way to palpable confusion regarding what sense to make of this world in a political conjuncture marked by Donald Trump's `Make America Great Again' presidency of the United States, on the one hand, and, on the other, Xi Jinping's ambitious agenda in consolidating his position as `core leader' at the top of the Chinese state. * Is a major redrawing of the map of global capitalism underway? * Is an unwinding of globalization in train, or will it continue, but with closure to the mobility of labour? * Is there a legitimacy crisis for neoliberalism even while neoliberal practices continue to form state policy? * Are we witnessing an authoritarian mutation of liberal democracy in the 21st century? * Should the strategic issues today be posed in terms of `socialism versus barbarism redux'?

Contents:
1: Why no Austrian socialists?; 1A Appendix: Is economics a moral science?; Part I - The Theoretical Framework; 2: Economic calculation: The Austrian contribution to political economy; 3: Hayek's The Road to Serfdom revisited: Government failure in the argument against socialism; 4: Coase, communism and inside the 'Black Box' of soviet-type economies; Part II - History and practice of real existing socialism; 5: The soviet experience with pure communism; 5A Appendix: The Soviet experience with pure communism: Rejoinder to Nove; 6: The political economy of Utopia: Communism in Soviet Russia, 1918-1921; 7: Soviet venality: A rent-seeking model of the communist system; Part III - Realism and Reform; 8: Credibility, commitment and soviet economic reform; 9: Perestroika and public choice: The economics of autocratic succession in a rent-seeking society; 10: The reform trap in economics and politics in the former communist economies; 11: Promises made and promises broken in the Russian transition; 12: The Russian crisis: Perils and prospects for Post-soviet transition; 13: The political infrastructure of economic development; 13A Appendix: The argument applied to Post-Perestroika Russia; Part IV - Political economy and the fate of economies; 14: Why culture matters: economics, politics and the imprint of history; 15: Concluding remarks; 15A Appendix A: Economic freedom and economic growth; 15B Appendix B: Economic growth and human well-being

Arguing that the hegemony of the neoliberal/capitalist nexus must be challenged if we are to address the proliferating challenges facing our world, this inspiring book explains how democracy can revive the political fortunes of the left. * Explores issues central to the civil uprisings that swept the world in 2011, drawing profound connections between democracy and neoliberalism in an urban context * Features in-depth analysis of key political theorists such as Gramsci; Lefebvre; Ranciere; Deleuze and Guattari; and Hardt and Negri * Advocates the reframing of democracy as a personal and collective struggle to discover the best in ourselves and others * Includes empirical analysis of recent instances of collective action

The current generation owes a moral and political obligation to the next generation and beyond , in terms of their real inheritance: the three interlinked existential crises represented by climate change, the multiple crises of the global environment and the conventional and nuclear arms race. This book is an attempt to reach out to the next generation to start shaping their own collective future through the greening of socialism on a global basis as an affirmative survival response to these crises which will have to be confronted in the course of the twenty-first century. It starts with a clear recapitulation of the major historical event-structures of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries which have been responsible for the genesis of these crises and links them to the possible choices and actions for the next century and beyond. These crises are no longer separable in terms of the consequences they entail for global humanity. Nor is it possible to separate our relationship with Nature as a whole from our relationship with each other at a global level. Consequently, the resolution of these crises is no longer a matter of mere technical or economic fixes, they will involve the major part of humanity as actors intervening into shaping their own future. The decisive moment for social and political change is fast approaching, with a clear choice to be made between systemic change or continuing with fragmented systems which are inexorably driving us towards the possibility of human extinction along with the extinction of major life-forms on earth. The building blocks of a desirable and sustainable future are already available to us but the powerful and entrenched economic and political structures of the world are in continuous denial of the possibilities of the future through systemic changes. This book lays out the above argument in a concise and logical framework that ranges across several disciplines from political economy and history to ecology and the sciences and technology. It is then up to the next generation to make their own choices about the future in the light of the mounting evidence about the urgency of systemic change. The decisive moment is now. This book is an honest account linking the past, the present and the likely future. It is a challenging read for those who will rise to the challenge.

In this issue, the past, present, and future of social democracy in the context of rival political movements on the left and wider cultural and intellectual influences, as well social democracy's relationship with socioeconomics is explored,""