This work relates Marx's theory of money to his overall political economy, and places it firmly within the wider context of his political and philosophical thought. It has for some time been held that there exists an epistomological break between the early 'humanist' and later 'scientific' Marx. However, in this ground-breaking study Anitra Nelson links Marx's conecept of money to his early key concepts with particular reference to 'alienation'.

This book is the first complete commentary on Marx's manuscripts of 1861-63, works that guide our understanding of fundamental concepts such as 'surplus-value' and 'production price'.

The recent publication of Marx's writings in their entirety has been a seminal event in Marxian scholarship. The hitherto unknown second draft of Volume 1 and first draft of Volume 3 of Capital, both published in the Manuscripts of 1861-63, now provide an important intermediate link between the Grundrisse and the final published editions of Capital. In this book, Enrique Dussel, one of the most original Marxist philosophers in the world today, provides an authoritative and detailed commentary on the manuscripts of 1861-63.

The main points which Dussel emphasises in this path-breaking work are:

• The fundamental category in Marx's theory is 'living labour' which exists outside of capital and which capital must subsume in order to produce surplus-value
• Theories of Surplus Value is not a historical survey of previous theories, but rather a 'critical confrontation' through which Marx developed new categories for his own theory
• The most important new categories developed in this manuscript are related to the 'forms of appearance' of surplus value.

The final part of the book discusses the relevance of the Manuscripts of 1861-63 to contemporary global capitalism, especially to the continuing underdevelopment and extreme poverty of Latin America.

Can politics now be both radical and realistic? Gramsci and Contemporary Politics is a collection of Anne Showstack Sassoon's writing which spans the major transitions from Thatcher and Reagan to Clinton and Blair; the collapse of communism to the regeneration of social democracy. Applying original interpretations of Antonio Gramsci's ideas on the intellectuals, political language, civil society and political leadership, she argues that drawing from the past, and broadening contemporary sources of political and academic knowledge can contribute to a grounded, radical hegemonic politics which can bring about change.

Edward Carpenter: In Appreciation, first published in 1931, presents a collection of tributes to and reminiscences about the renowned socialist poet, pioneering gay rights activist, environmentalist and political thinker. Embroiled in controversy with prominent figures of all political persuasions in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, Carpenter's vision of sexual freedom, democracy and an end to commercialism was maintained with integrity over the course of his whole life. These portraits and anecdotes testify to a man of both determination and warmth, whose writings, though inspirational for many up to the 1960s, are seldom read today.

The theory of statecraft explores practical politics through the strategies and manoeuvres of privileged agents, whereas the theory of democracy dwells among abstract and lofty ideals. Can these two ways of thinking somehow be reconciled and combined? Or is statecraft destined to remain the preserve of powerful elites, leaving democracy to ineffectual idealists? J. S. Maloy demonstrates that the Western tradition of statecraft, usually considered the tool of tyrants and oligarchs, has in fact been integral to the development of democratic thought. Five case studies of political debate, ranging from ancient Greece to the late nineteenth-century United States, illustrate how democratic ideas can be relevant to the real world of politics instead of reinforcing the idealistic delusions of conventional wisdom and academic theory alike. The tradition highlighted by these cases still offers resources for reconstructing our idea of popular government in a realistic spirit - skeptical, pragmatic, and relentlessly focused on power.

This book explores the tradition of left wing political thinking in the culture of fans of professional football in Europe. It sets out to chronicle and celebrate the fraternal, communal and radical tradition of football - seen to best effect in demands for democratic fan ownership and control of clubs, in fan campaigns against racist and fascist mobilisation of football supporters, and in a firm commitment to anti-corporatism. Drawing on the rich and varied traditions of fan cultures across Europe, the book examines how football, as a cultural form, carries with it the possibility of promoting the voices of the disenfranchised and the marginalised, and so the basis for nurturing solidarity against oppression, alienation and exploitation current in modern capitalist society. This book was published as a special issue of Soccer and Society.

Now fully revised and updated for the second edition, this unique and authoritative account of the party systems in Eastern Europe examines their development from the revolutions of the late 1980s to the present day. The New Democracies in Eastern Europe presents a genuinely comparative perspective on the old and new party systems. Featuring detailed assessment and analysis of the situation in Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Hungary, Romania and Bulgaria, the volume draws upon research and opinion from a distinguished group of European scholars. Recognising that many of the social and political problems of the inter-war period continue to make themselves felt, the authors contend that the breakdown of the old authoritarian system was a by-product of a built-in and progressively worsening legitimacy crisis. Despite the great progress made by some East European countries, recent events confirm the view that authoritarianism has not lost its appeal. As an up-to-date and comprehensive survey of political change and development in Eastern Europe - rapidly produced to present the most recent information - this book will be welcomed by researchers, teachers and students.

What has happened to the European radical left after the collapse of the USSR? How has it reacted, reformed, even revived? This new volume is one of the first to provide an overview of the main developments in contemporary European radical left parties (those defining themselves as to the left of, and not merely on the left of social democracy), which are now an increasingly visible phenomenon in European party politics. Unlike many of the existing studies it focuses on communist and non-communist parties, addresses their non-parliamentary and international activity, and takes a pan-European perspective, focusing on both Eastern and Western Europe. March focuses on key contemporary left parties, the nature of their radicalism and their ideological and strategic positions, and overall, addresses their current dynamics and immediate electoral prospects. The book argues that radical left parties are still afflicted by existential crises about the nature of 'socialism', and the future of communist parties in particular is under threat. The most successful left parties are no longer extremist, but present themselves as defending values and policies that social democrats have allegedly abandoned, focus on pragmatism rather than ideology and increasingly orientate themselves towards government. Providing a significant contribution to existing literature in the field, this book will be of interest to students and scholars of comparative politics, political parties and radical politics.

First published in 1971. This volume explores Socialism by the author who was the Chairman of the Fabian Executive. It is written from the demand of a intepretation of Socialism in the light of the conditions crated by World War Two.

The papers given by the Soviet Delegation to the Second International Congress of the History of Science and Technology in London in 1931, headed by N. I. Bukharin, exerted a profound influence on Western historiography of science. Perhaps the most influential contribution was that of Hessen, who made a long and classical statement of Marxist historiography, taking Isaac Newton as his example. The collection, which appeared in Britain at the height of the Depression, fostered an acute social awareness and a heated debate among many working scientists. Accredited by some as "the starting point of a new evaluation of the history of science", the book reflects the huge social and economic divide between Socialism and Capitalism present at the time of publication, and its influence on intellectual culture and scientific advancement.

Political economy is a vibrant field of study in which one can draw worrying and profitable conclusions. After the Great Recession: The New Normal is the hybrid of a passionate left-leaning pamphlet and an academic essay in political economy. It brings together in a legible synthesis wide ranging readings to clarify and answer key questions, generating new ones. Why does neoliberalist economy blow bubbles, only to burst them by blowing new ones? How was cheap energy from fossil fuel the cradle of modern economic growth and hegemony? Here writes a fellow seeker with unfailing curiosity and an inquiring mind sustained by hope to build a new society based on mutual aid and shared ethical rules. Mutuality is the second law of the jungle, assisting group survival. This insightful, provocative and timely book provides a comprehensive view of the devastating 2008 financial crisis and its lasting impact on our world and the economy. As well as the nature of capitalism and its financialised version, she considers how environmental changes impact the ability to govern humanity, and what constraints for access to materials and energy may mean for civilisation’s future. The history of several oil shocks is researched, secure energy supplies being a primary driver for geostrategic strategies. The book suggests fossil fuel may not be available and/or profitable to extract in the quantities required long before renewable energy is able to substitute for it. Financialised capitalism, plagued by cycles of boom and bust damaging the real economy, is crashing in slow motion. It is urgent to agree on simplified political structures that may help us face the decline foretold in ‘Limits to Growth’, half a century ago, and prepare for future re-building. After the Great Recession: The New Normal appeals to its audience with a stoic and constructive voice so that we may eventually come together for a better outcome for us all.

The first comprehensive history of Italian Socialism in English, this book ranges from the defeat of Socialism by Mussolini in 1926 to its resurgence as a powerful force in Italian politics today. Di Scala has not only combed the archives of Italy and America, but also interviewed an array of prominent Italian and American sources, providing testimonies that are themselves likely to become important historical documents. His sweeping, intensive survey sheds new light on important Socialists such as Rodolfo Morandi and Pietro Nenni, and highlights the tremendous accomplishments of Italy's first Socialist prime minister, Bettino Craxi. Di Scala demonstrates that through a remarkable intellectual and political revival, the Socialists overcame their subjection by the Communists and Christian Democrats and went on to radically transform the politics, economy, and international affairs of modern Italy.

aToday MA(c)szArosas theoretical insights are becoming a material force, gripping the masses through various world-historical including Venezuelan President Hugo ChAvez.a
--John Bellamy Foster, editor, "Monthly Review"

An extraordinary new work by the leading Marxian philosopher of the late twentieth and early twenty-first century, The Challenge and Burden of Historical Time represents a breakthrough in the development of socialist thought. It can be seen both as a companion volume to his earlier pathbreaking "Beyond Capital" and a major theoretical contribution in its own right. Its focus is on the adecapitation of historical timea in todayas capitalism and the necessity of a new asocialist time accountancya as a revolutionary response to the debilitating present.

Extending MA(c)szArosas earlier analysis of capitalism as a social-metabolic system caught in an irreversible structural crisis, it represents a crushing refutation of the view that athere is no alternativea to the current social order. MA(c)szArosas wide-ranging analysis explores the forces behind the expansion of world inequality, the return of imperial interventionism, the growing structural crisis of the capitalist state, and the widening planetary ecological crisis--along with the new hope offered by the reemergence of concrete socialist alternatives.

At the heart of his book is an examination of the preconditions of Latin Americaas historic Bolivarian journey, which is producing new revolutionary transformations in Venezuela, Bolivia and elsewhere. The Challenge and Burden of Historical Time is a work of great political as well as philosophical importance, one that defines the challenges and burdens facingall those who are committed to a more rational, more egalitarian future.

Why do some parties formed by social movements develop top-down structures while others stay more open and responsive to their social bases? The first rigorous comparative study of movement-based parties, this book shows not only how movements can form parties but also how movements contribute to parties' internal politics and shape organizational party models over the long term. Although the existing literature argues that movement-based parties will succumb to professionalization and specialization, Anria shows that this is not inevitable or preordained through an in-depth examination of the unusual and counterintuitive development of Bolivia's MAS. Anria then compares the evolution of the MAS with that of other parties formed by social movements, including Brazil's PT and Uruguay's FA. In a region where successful new parties of any type have been rare, these three parties are remarkable for their success. Yet, despite their similar origins, they differ sharply in their organizational models.

The demand for equality has been at the heart of the politics of the Left in the twentieth century, but what did theorists and politicians on the British Left mean when they said they were committed to 'equality'? How did they argue for a more egalitarian society? Which policies did they think could best advance their egalitarian ideals? Equality and the British Left provides the first comprehensive answers to these questions. It charts debates about equality from the progressive liberalism and socialism of the early twentieth century to the arrival of the New Left and revisionist social democracy in the 1950s. Along the way, it examines and reassesses the egalitarian political thought of many significant figures in the history of the British Left, including L. T. Hobhouse, R. H. Tawney and Anthony Crosland. Newly available in paperback for the first time, this book demonstrates that the British Left has historically been distinguished from its ideological competitors on the Centre and the Right by a commitment to a demanding form of economic egalitarianism. It shows that this egalitarianism has come to be neglected or caricatured by politicians and scholars alike, and is more surprising and sophisticated than is often imagined. Equality and the British Left offers a compelling new perspective on British political thought that will appeal to scholars and students of British history and political theory, and to anyone interested in contemporary debates about progressive politics. -- .

The year 2011 marks the twentieth anniversary of the end of the Soviet Union. This may be an appropriate time to evaluate the adoption by previously state socialist societies of other economic and political models. The transition has sometimes been described in positive terms, as a movement to free societies with open markets and democratic elections. Others have argued that the transition has created weak, poverty-stricken states with undeveloped civil societies ruled by unresponsive political elites. Which is the more accurate assessment? David Lane examines a few of the theoretical approaches that help explain the trajectory of change from socialism to capitalism. He focuses on two main approaches in this volume--elite theories and social class. Theories dwelling on the role of elites regard the transformation from socialism to capitalism as a type of system transfer in which elites craft democratic and market institutions into the space left by state socialism. Lane contrasts this interpretation with class-based theories, which consider transformation in terms of revolution, and explain why such theories have not been considered the best way of framing the transition in the post-socialist states.

While recognizing that elites can play important roles and have the capacity to transform societies, Lane contends that elite theories alone are inadequate to explain a system change that brings free markets. In contrast, he proposes a class approach in which two groups characterize state socialism: an administrative class and an acquisition class.

This reissued work, first published in 1987, examines the problematic and divisive attitudes which bourgeois and socialist feminists take to the question of the links between patriarchy and capitalism and the importance of class conflict as a major cause of women's subordination.

Pierre Joseph Proudhon (1809-1865) is one of the most important French social theoreticians of the nineteenth century. George Woodcock's book, first published in 1956, was the first full-scale biography of Proudhon in the English language. Proudhon's influence on the French Socialist movement was immense and he played a great part in the First International and Paris Commune, in French syndicalism and in contemporary movements for currency reform. Proudhon's significance also reaches forward into the contemporary era, when his massive distrust of the state and his teaching of the need for world federation took on a new importance in a world threatened by the explosive rivalries of giant nationalistic states.

Rather than contributing to the long-standing discussion about the characteristics of the society that socialism proposes to establish, this Routledge Revival, initially published in 1976, aims to explore the impact of the 'living utopia' of socialism on the development of modern society. It begins with an analysis of the role of utopia in general, and of the socialist utopia in particular; Bauman considers the opposition between 'utopian' and 'scientific' social thought; He presents socialism as the 'counter-culture' of capitalist society; The book finally examines the reasons for the failure of socialism in its application to the peasant revolution in Russia. It then explores some possible forms that the socialist utopia might take in the industrial societies of the late twentieth century. Professor Bauman writes for those who want to understand the logic of the historical fate of socialism in the present century, who are concerned about the validity and vitality of socialist ideas on the development of modern society, and who are interested, and perhaps confused, by the cultural and ideological conflicts of the last few decades.

Durkheim's study of socialism, first published in English in 1959, is a document of exceptional intellectual interest and a genuine milestone in the history of sociological theory. It presents us with the sociological theories of a truly first-rate thinker and his extensive commentary upon another key figure in the history of sociological thought, Henri Saint-Simon. The core of this volume contains Durkheim's presentation of Saint-Simon's ideas, their sources and their development.

Durkheim's study of socialism, first published in English in 1959, is a document of exceptional intellectual interest and a genuine milestone in the history of sociological theory. It presents us with the sociological theories of a truly first-rate thinker and his extensive commentary upon another key figure in the history of sociological thought, Henri Saint-Simon. The core of this volume contains Durkheim's presentation of Saint-Simon's ideas, their sources and their development.

Istvan Meszaros is a world-renowned philosopher and critic. He left his native Hungary after the Soviet invasion of 1956. He is professor emeritus at the University of Sussex, where he held the chair of philosophy for fifteen years. Among his many books are Social Structure and Forms of Consciousness Volumes I and II, The Work of Sartre, The Structural Crisis of Capital, The Challenge and Burden of Historical Time, Beyond Capital: Toward a Theory of Transition, and Marx's Theory of Alienation. As John Bellamy Foster writes in his foreword to the present book, "Istvan Meszaros is one of the greatest philosophers that the historical materialist tradition has yet produced. His work stands practically alone today in the depth of its analysis of Marx's theory of alienation, the structural crisis of capital, the demise of Soviet-style post-revolutionary societies, and the necessary conditions of the transition to socialism. His dialectical inquiry into social structure and forms of consciousness - a systematic critique of the prevailing forms of thought - is unequaled in our time." Meszaros is the author of magisterial works like Beyond Capital and Social Structures of Forms of Consciousness, but his work can seem daunting to those unacquainted with his thought. Here, for the first time, is a concise and accessible overview of Meszaros's ideas, designed by the author himself and covering the broad scope of his work, from the shortcomings of bourgeois economics to the degeneration of the capital system to the transition to socialism.

This is an original study of the connected lives of two important socialists, Tom Mann (1856-1941) and Robert Samuel 'Bob' Ross (1873-1931). Born in Britain, Mann travelled the globe as a tireless socialist organiser and propagandist who met Ross in the course of his political work in Australia. They then worked closely together as labour editors, educators, trade unionists and socialists in Australia and New Zealand between 1902 and 1913. Thereafter, they continued regularly to correspond with one another and other socialists in Australia, New Zealand and other parts of the Pacific Rim. Based upon extensive research into neglected primary and secondary sources in Britain, Australia, New Zealand and related places, this book explores the careers and lives of Mann and Ross as paired transnational radicals, as leaders who crossed national and other boundaries in order to promote their socialism. It situates them within the neglected English-speaking and even global radical worlds of the later nineteenth- and early twentieth-centuries, a period that constituted an early phase of globalisation. Breaking new ground in moving beyond the national focus which has dominated much of the relevant history, this book highlights both the importance of Mann's and Ross's transnational endeavours, attachments and identities and the ways in which these interacted with their national, sub-national and international spheres of activity, striking a chord with a wide variety of radicals seeking change in today's globalised world.