The British Left has developed almost beyond recognition since the early days of electoral reform heralded by the Great Reform Act of 1832. In this book, Kenneth Morgan, one of the foremost historians of left-wing politics, provides a detailed history of the British Left from the Great Reform Act to the rise (and decline) of New Labour. Along the way, he highlights the characters and events that have been pivotal in shaping the development of the Left -- from Gladstone and the New Radicalism, to Lloyd George and the Boer War, to Tony Blair and the War in Iraq. Morgan's searing analysis and accessible scholarship, not to mention his enormous distinction as a political historian, makes this an essential book for anyone interested in British history and the history of socialism.

In the wake of the transformation of Eastern Europe in 1989, there has been a wealth of testimony, long on rhetoric but a little lighter on evidence, which has insisted that socialism, in all its forms and invocations, is a spent force. This volume explicitly confronts the new orthodoxy of "the end of socialism."

In Part I of the book, Pierson assesses the evidence that underpins this position. What he discovers is not so much terminal decline but rather a whole series of deep-seated challenges to traditional forms of socialist and social democratic thinking. The most pressing of these problems are to be found in the political economy of social democracy and, above all, in its commitment to incremental change in the context of an increasingly globalized market economy.

Parts II and III are devoted to an assessment of market socialism, one of the most vigorous and innovative attempts to seek to recast socialist aspirations under these changed circumstances. In essence, market socialism represents an attempt to reconcile new forms of social ownership with the seeming ubiquity of the market. Having outlined this position in some detail, Pierson subjects it to a careful and systematic critique and, in the process, develops a set of distinctive arguments about the nature of social ownership, the potential of the labour-managed economy and the appropriate forms for an extension of economic democracy. The final chapter explicitly confronts the question of whether any form of socialism can any longer be thought to be "feasible."

Despite the central role of tourism in the political making of the Yugoslav socialist state after WWII and in everyday life, the topic has remained neglected as an object of historical research, which has tended to dwell on war and ethnicA" conflict in the past two decades. For many former citizens of Yugoslavia, however, memories of holidaymaking, as well as tourism as a means of livelihood, today evoke a sense of the good lifeA" people enjoyed before the economy, and subsequently the country, fell apart. Undertakes a critical analysis of the history of domestic tourism in Yugoslavia under Commumism. The story evolved from the popularization of tourism and holidaymaking among Yugoslav citizens in the 1950s and 1960s to the consumer practices of the 1970s and 1980s. It reviews tourism as a political, economic and social project of the Yugoslav federal state, and as a crucial field of social integration. The book investigates how socialist and Yugoslav ideologies aimed to turn workers into consumers of purposefulA" leisure, and how these ideas were set against actual practices of recreation and holidaymaking.

Communist humor is the strangest, funniest, most enchanting and meaningful legacy of the eighty years of communism in Russia and Eastern Europe. The valiant and sardonic citizens of the former Communist countries surrounded by secret police, threatened with arrest, imprisonment and forced labor, a failed economic system, and bombarded with ludicrous propaganda turned joke-telling into an art form, using them as a coded way of speaking the truth and coping with the absurdity of the system. In this poignant and historically revealing book, rare and previously unpublished archival material, including cartoons, caricatures, photographs, and oral transcripts take the reader on a unique journey through the real experience of the Communist era."

This original volume offers a critical examination of a number of developments which in recent years have undermined the idea of socialism and eroded its electoral appeal. Among these developments are the collapse of communist regimes, the fragmentation of the constituencies upon which earlier socialist advances depended, changes in the organization and dynamics of capitalism, and a death of agencies committed to the socialist project.

The book argues that a social order dominated by the logic of capital and competition cannot, despite all the positive claims made on its behalf, produce the conditions which make true citizenship and community possible. By contrast, socialism offers an attractive and feasible programme for the realization of these ideals. Miliband argues that socialism cannot be seen as an answer to all the ills which have plagued humankind. Socialism, in his view, has to be understood as part of an age-old struggle for a more just society and he believes that, seen in this light, socialism remains not only desirable but also perfectly possible. Moreover, he believes, socialism will, in time, come to command a majority support which its advancement requires.

Drawing on the work of key thinkers such as Joel Kovel and John Bellamy Foster, Derek Wall provides an unique insider view of how ecosocialism has developed and a practical guide to focused ecosocialist action.

Climate change and other ecological ills are driving the creation of a grassroots global movement for change. From Latin America to Europe, Australia and China a militant movement merging red and green is taking shape. Ecosocialists argue that capitalism threatens the future of humanity and the rest of nature. From indigenous protest in the Peruvian Amazon to the green transition in Cuba to the creation of red-green parties in Europe, ecosocialism is defining the future of left and green politics globally. Latin American leaders such as Morales and Chavez are increasingly calling for an ecosocialist transition. This is an important handbook for activists and engaged students of politics.

In Hiding is the spellbinding story of a man who spent thirty years holed up in his own home to escape execution. Manuel Cortes was a Socialist Party member, an activist in the Republic's land reform movement, and an organizer in the farm workers' unionization struggles. As Mayor of Mijas in Andalusia, he became caught up in the ferment of revolutionary Spain in the late 1930s. A marked man, he evaded Franco's execution squads to survive in hiding through a generation of persecution and terror until amnesty was decreed in 1969-a period of thirty years. With his wife and daughter, he attempted to escape to France, but failed. In this absorbing narrative, based on numerous interviews with the mayor conducted by Ronald Fraser, a master of oral history, Cortes's truly awe-inspiring ordeal is supplemented by his family's life histories and experiences during the Civil War. A haunting tale and a monument to the art of the oral historian, In Hiding reminds us what the Spanish Civil War was really about.

Civil society constitutes a range of interest groups and political parties that occupy the space between the individual and the state. The notions of democracy and civil society are inextricably linked -- democracy fosters the development of civil society as it allows freedom of association to the individuals. This space then links the individuals to the state. In the backdrop of wave of political liberalization sweeping through the region since the early 1990s, the debate on democratization in West Asia has been associated with the study of three crucial issues, namely whether civil society exists in the region? What are its strengths? What are its weaknesses and what the future holds for its existence? Evidence from the political processes of some countries of the region -- such as Jordan, Turkey, and Gulf States -- reveals that civil society has strengthened in the region in the recent past. This book is an attempt to understand the notion of civil society and its relations with democracy and state in the context of West Asia.

Socialism and the mindset of the traditional left have outlived their purpose. A new political philosophy is needed in the cause of creating a fair and egalitarian society for the peoples of our planet. This is a startling yet profound book which strikes at the foundations of established politics in the West. The author's conclusions are drawn from two directions: an analysis of the consequences of the transformation of society over the past 60 years in industrialised economies; and personal experiences as an activist, both locally and nationally, after 14 years within the Labour party. It is demonstrated that both the Labour party, and socialism in the wider world, is now counter-productive to its given purpose: i.e. it hinders rather than promotes the progress of the less fortunate people in our midst. The left is hampered by two great faults in its thinking and policy: its idolatrous commitment to collectivism, poisoning its good intentions; and its blind spot to the psychological need for the productive business instinct, described by the author as the missing "gene" of socialism.The author describes his attempts to modernise the Labour party and initiate free discussion, followed by the horrific experience of his public denunciation by an old stalwart "for writing without the authority of the party leadership. " This led to his resignation in 2008. Modern men and women are dependent on the promotion of a healthy individualism for personal success -- and certainly in maintaining a free society. It is shown how political ideas need to follow in the wake of social and technological progress, and not vice versa. When ideologies outgrow their purpose society regresses. The future calls for a new progressive politics of universal humanity; a repudiation of class conflict which compounds rather than resolves substantive issues; the syncretising of political interests of relevance to all humanity; and a return to the Enlightenment values of a former age. This is a book with a refreshing insight in brushing away the political cobwebs of the past.

This title looks at the role nostalgia plays in the radical imagination to offer a new guide to the history and politics of the left. In "Left in the Past", Bonnett re-assesses the place of nostalgia within radical politics and, in doing so, provides a new introduction to the history and politics of the left. Bonnett argues that nostalgia has been a chronic, but repressed, aspect of the socialist imagination. "Left in the Past" is premised on the idea that, in our 'post-socialist era', the relationship between radicalism and a sense of loss, and the ambivalent position of socialism in and against modernity, can be viewed with greater clarity. In section one of the book, Bonnett shows the centrality and repression of nostalgia in both 19th-century radicalism and anticolonial radicalism. In section two, he explores the consequences of this inheritance by way of 20th century and contemporary studies of revolutionary intellectuals and intellectual culture. Bonnett's unique approach in how to understand the left in an age of post-socialism will make book a needed resource for anyone interested in the history and politics of the left and radicalism.

A young boy struggles to survive the hardships thrust upon him as a prisoner of circumstance under the shadow of the Swastika.
For Hans, the childhood dream of riding the rails is transformed into a life or death game of survival. As seemingly insurmountable challenges assail him, young Hans clings to a thread of hope in order to overcome the fallout of Hitler's war machine. The glow of hope glimmers in Hans' heart, even during his darkest hours of despair. Ultimately, the beacon of Lady Liberty's torch is reflected in his grateful tears as he sails into New York harbor to embrace his new life in America.
Shari Drake is honored to put her father's memories on paper so that his story, and that of his father's, is not forgotten. It is her wish that his heartfelt memoirs serve to inspire hope and build dreams even in the most dire of circumstances.

The law perverted! And the police powers of the state perverted along with it! The law, I say, not only turned from its proper purpose but made to follow an entirely contrary purpose! The law become the weapon of every kind of greed! Instead of checking crime, the law itself guilty of the evils it is supposed to punish!If this is true, it is a serious fact, and moral duty requires me to call the attention of my fellow-citizens to it.

Audacious, provocative, and bombastic, few world politicians are as colorful as Hugo Chavez, now making international news for his plans to nationalize U.S. owned businesses and his bold opposition to Washington's economic and trade policies. As Venezuela gains importance as the fifth largest oil exporter in the world, this firebrand leader is quickly moving to the public spotlight by uniting much of South America against the Bush administration and wielding oil as a "geopolitical weapon." To create this rich and objective portrait, Nikolas Kozloff--one of the few American journalists who has spent years in the Andean region--has profiled Chavez's top advisors, leaders of his movement, and other key figures in both Venezuela and the U.S. The result is a timely, exhaustive analysis of Chavez as a political leader, and a nuanced examination of the president moving to the center of the global stage. Includes a new afterword by the author, with insights into Chavez's reelection in relation to wider hemispheric politics.

Keir Hardie was a founder and the first parliamentary leader of the Labour Party. At the turn of the 19th century he was Labour's most famous face. But despite being voted Labour's 'Greatest Hero' at the 2008 Party Conference, in recent years his extraordinary story seems all but forgotten. Born illegitimate just outside Glasgow in 1856, his life didn't start gently. Before the age of 10, he was the sole wage earner in his working class, atheist family. He never went to school but was self-taught, avidly reading books lent him by a kind young clergyman. This led to two major conversions in his life: first to Christianity, and then to socialism. While earlier biographies have neglected the former, pointing out his experience of hardship as the source of his passion for social justice, the role of Christianity in Hardie's life was profound. It shaped his involvement in many of the greatest social changes of the time.

The real danger of Soviet deception during the fall of communism is exposed in this startling account that takes a firsthand look behind the Iron Curtain. Learn how the KGB sought world domination, starting with the USSR. Read the shocking facts about the true origin of international terrorism in the 1960s. Author Robert Buchar presents years of research and interviews with major players. His first-hand experience as a political refugee makes this an authentic and eye-opening account of Western Civilization's main enemy. "Robert Buchar's book fills a vacuum, shedding light on the KGB's secret assistance to Communism and its tyrants ... [His] book shows the inner workings of [this] machine running its disinformation ... for all to see." - Lt. Gen. Ion Mihai Pacepa Robert Buchar is a political refugee, born and raised in Czechoslovakia. He received his MFA in cinematography from the Film Academy of Fine Arts in Prague and worked as a cinematographer before defecting to the United States in 1980. Buchar is an associate professor and author of the Cinematography Program at Columbia College in Chicago. This book is based on his documentary feature film, The Collapse of Communism: The Untold Story.

In the world of the 90% heterogeneous middle-middle majority, which we find throughout the advanced industrialised economies in both East and West, all are equally affected by the major socio-economic issues of our time. This has resulted inevitably in eroding left/right (or class-based) politics as a relevant or useful tool for the future in advancing the cause of justice and equity. In this second volume of Robert Corfe's major work on Social Capitalism, he turns to examining the financial-industrial system and identifies issues, which are untouched by contemporary politicians across the political spectrum. Whilst politicians live in their own self-enclosed world of dated ideologies, the author highlights urgent and major problems which are significant for us all in the real world. Through a careful analysis of the underlying forces which directly affect the majority, he formulates a new political language, and in doing so, creates a fresh perspective and vision for the future. No people can hope to be free without capitalism, competition, and free consumer choice. But capitalism is not a single or monistic system as traditionally projected by the political establishment.As the author demonstrates, through both empirical evidence and the development of ideas, capitalism may be manifested as either a malign or benign influence on society. In this book the concept of Productive capitalism is promoted as the desirable path towards which peoples worldwide should strive. It is socially self-destructive Rentier capitalism, with its accumulation of wealth into ever fewer hands, and the polarisation of society, which needs to be opposed. But the political battles which lie ahead, in promoting a benign financial-industrial system, will be very different from those in the past, since it is an economic system which will need to be confronted rather than an identifiable sector of the community.

The Conscience of a Conservative reignited the American conservative movement and made Barry Goldwater a political star. It influenced countless conservatives in the United States, and helped lay the foundation for the Reagan Revolution in 1980. It covers topics such as education, labor unions and policies, civil rights, agricultural policy and farm subsidies, social welfare programs, and income taxation. This significant book lays out the conservative position both politically and economically that would come to dominate the Conservative Movement in American.

Book one of the all time capitalist classic 'The Wealth of Nations' and the complete 'Manifesto of the Communist Party, together in one edition at a great price.

When American teacher June Mudan traveled to China in 2000 to teach at a Chinese university, her goals were simple: to experience a new culture and to help the Chinese people learn English. Over a year later, she returned to the United States with much more, including well-kept dark secrets of control, horror and death told to her by a fellow Chinese teacher. "In The Dragon's Teeth "relates these dark secrets lurking in China's past and becomes significant when grim details are revealed about the Chinese Laogai, the name for the system of labor and re-education camps throughout China. June's teacher/friend had been a political prisoner in various camps and experienced many atrocities, the sharing of which had a powerful impact on the author's perceptions of China.

In America, we have become tantalized by the "Chinese Dragon" and especially its low-priced wares, but "In The Dragon's Teeth "provides the evidence that we need to become mindful of its sharp, vicious teeth and how they were used to maim and kill perhaps 50 million Chinese citizens.

You have heard of the Nazi Holocaust and the Russian Gulag, now you will know about the Chinese Laogai, which needs to take its place in the annals of human atrocities.

When American teacher June Mudan traveled to China in 2000 to teach at a Chinese university, her goals were simple: to experience a new culture and to help the Chinese people learn English. Over a year later, she returned to the United States with much more, including well-kept dark secrets of control, horror and death told to her by a fellow Chinese teacher. "In The Dragon's Teeth "relates these dark secrets lurking in China's past and becomes significant when grim details are revealed about the Chinese Laogai, the name for the system of labor and re-education camps throughout China. June's teacher/friend had been a political prisoner in various camps and experienced many atrocities, the sharing of which had a powerful impact on the author's perceptions of China.

In America, we have become tantalized by the "Chinese Dragon" and especially its low-priced wares, but "In The Dragon's Teeth "provides the evidence that we need to become mindful of its sharp, vicious teeth and how they were used to maim and kill perhaps 50 million Chinese citizens.

You have heard of the Nazi Holocaust and the Russian Gulag, now you will know about the Chinese Laogai, which needs to take its place in the annals of human atrocities.

American Socialists and Evolutionary Thought, 1870-1920 demonstrates how evolutionary theories fundamentally shaped, and ultimately undercut, the American socialist movement. Mark Pittenger examines the attempts of radicals in the late 19th and early 20th centuries to synthesise the evolutionary ideas of Charles Darwin and Herbert Spencer with socialist philosophy, social theory and political practice. In contrast to authors who have shown the influence of Darwinism on conservative and progressive political ideologies, Pittenger establishes that radicals also took scientific ideas seriously and wanted to link the public fascination with evolution to their own cause. Looking at theoretical, political and fiction writing by American socialists, Pittenger identifies debates among factions during two distinct periods: the Gilded Age, during which socialism was a fragmented aggregation of largely non-Marxist individuals and organisations; and the Progressive Era, when socialism coalesced into a distinctly Marxist movement, seeking political and economic power via the American Socialist Party. Many activists of both eras saw evolutionary science as the necessary foundation for socialist theory and practice. Some tried in various ways to incorporate pragmatism, cultural relativism, and rights for blacks and women into their programmes, or worked to democratise scientific knowledge in service of the class struggle. But, as a result of the social pressure on socialists to adopt less radical positions and of their own desires to appeal to a broader constituency, the Marxist call for a workers' revolution receded in importance, replaced by the less painful notion that socialism would arrive as the result of natural and inevitable processes. As socialists broadened their message it became difficult to distinguish it from other types of progressive reform. Pittenger's insights regarding the role of evolutionary science in American socialist thought are an important contribution to understanding why socialism has not had more of an impact on modern American society.

The reform of the financial-industrial infrastructure cannot be undertaken without considering fully the political culture in which it exists. But such reforms can only best be initiated from within the capitalist system itself by those most technically competent to effect necessary change, and hence this book calls upon the business community to take such an initiative. Whilst the first volume of this work traced the development of the new majority and its potential readiness to promote desired change; and whilst the second volume laid out the theoretical basis for Social Capitalism and a new political consciousness; the third and final volume is concerned with the policies and practicalities of a Social Capitalist world. Part I of the present volume is concerned with the international dimension, and especially the Third world, and the need for its internal capitalisation and redefining the benefits of free trade, and the priority of environmental questions.Parts II and III are concerned with strategies for national prosperity on the macro-economic level in advanced industrial economies, and Part IV considers the reforms of the business enterprise in successfully integrating the common aims of employers and employed. Part V is an exercise in the critique of Rentier capitalism, comprising an expose of 43 leaders of major corporations, and Part VI concludes the work with a summary and analytical declaration of Social Capitalist values and aims. As this book clearly demonstrates, a free and democratic world cannot be achieved or maintained without the successful establishment of a Social Capitalist society which seeks to maximise the individual ownership and control of the means of production, distribution and exchange. Under different pseudonyms, Robert Corfe is also the author of 3 autobiographical works: Death In Riyadh (Geoff Carter) describing his life as a businessman in the Middle East in the 80s; My Conflict With A Soviet Spy (Eddie Miller) relating his adventures in Finland in the mid-60s; and, The Girl From East Berlin (James Furner) an epic novel relating his love affair in the old German capital at the end of the 50s.

Had the revolution developed more normally -- that is, under peaceful circumstances, as it had in 1912 -- the proletariat would always have held a dominant position, while the peasant masses would gradually have been taken in tow by the proletariat and drawn into the whirlpool of the revolution. But the war produced an altogether different succession of events. . . .