One aspect of war is often overlooked: how much do they cost and how are they funded. Funding Extended Conflicts develops a baseline on Federal spending for the two extended conflicts of the Cold War era, Korea and Vietnam, and compares them with the global war on terror, including current outlays for Iraq and Afghanistan. It also provides wartime cases that offer recommendations on how to pay for future wars and focuses on the length of the tails of such spending, which are often omitted in the final analyses and distort funding estimates. Background chapters examine financing and budget issues as well as problems associated with defining the real cost of Korea, Vietnam, and the so-called long war against terrorism and are complemented by an assessment of the open-ended commitment to support homeland defense and conduct ongoing military operations in Southwest Asia. One aspect of war is often overlooked: how much do they cost and how are they funded. Funding Extended Conflicts develops a baseline on Federal spending for the two extended conflicts of the Cold War era, Korea and Vietnam, and compares them with the global war on terror, including current outlays for Iraq and Afghanistan. It also provides wartime cases that offer recommendations on how to pay for future wars and focuses on the length of the tails of such spending, which are often omitted in the final analyses and distort funding estimates. Background chapters examine financing and budget issues as well as problems associated with defining the real cost of Korea, Vietnam, and the so-called long war against terrorism and are complemented by an assessment of the open-ended commitment to support homeland defense and conduct ongoing military operations in Southwest Asia.

This book questions when, why, and how it is just for a people to go to war, or to refrain from warring, in a post-9/11 world. To do so, it explores Just War Theory (JWT) in relationship to recent American accounts of the experience of war. The book analyses the jus ad bellum criteria of just war-right intention, legitimate authority, just cause, probability of success, and last resort-before exploring jus in bello, or the law that governs the way in which warfare is conducted. By combining just-war ethics and sustained explorations of major works of twentieth and twenty-first century American war writing, this study offers the first book-length reflection on how JWT and literary studies can inform one another fruitfully.

Long before the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, awakened the United States and the Western world to the heightened level of the terrorist threat, Southeast Asia had been dealing with this threat. The bombing in Bali that killed 202 people, many of them Australian tourists, was by no means the region's first experience with Islamic extremism, which can be traced back to the 1940s, and the Darul Islam struggle. The most recent group to emerge is Al-Jama'ah Al-Islamiyah (AJAI), the most potent Islamic terrorist organization to date in the region and the group behind the Bali bombing. Prior to 9/11, the terrorist challenge was essentially national in character, with groups attempting either to secede from the central government to form a new state or to force the central government to adopt policies that would support the raison d'etre of these extremist groups. Essentially, this involved the establishment of a political system that was more Islamic in character, either nationally or within a specific territory of a national state. This book analyzes the increasing Talibanization of Southeast Asia, a relatively new phenomenon that involves the adoption of Islamist doctrines, ideologies, and values that are largely militant in character, and that for some groups includes the adoption of violence to achieve their goals. Understanding this process of Talibanization in Southeast Asia, which was once an oasis of moderate Islam in the modern world, is the key to unraveling the mystery of the increased radicalization in the region. The AJAI represents the birth of the first regional terrorist organization in Southeast Asia. It is a transnational terrorist organization along the lines ofal-Qaeda. It aims to establish a regional Islamic state covering most of southern Southeast Asia that would ultimately form a new Islamic epicenter in the Asia-Pacific region. Additionally, what has made the AJAI a potent force has been its ability to synergize with various existing religious extremist groups in the region and beyond, including al-Qaeda and other like-minded groups based in Afghanistan and Pakistan. This has succeeded in posing one of the most serious security challenges to the region since the end of the Cold War. Jihadists are operating in small and localized cells even though the broad goals remain the same, namely, to spread sharia, establish an Islamic state, and bring down secular regimes. As most governments do not have the credibility or the expertise to diminish the threat posed by Islamist extremism, Wahhabism, and Salafism, Southeast Asia is in danger of being Talibanized in the near future.

In the brief experience the world has had during the post-9/11 era, much has been made of the need for sharing intelligence in the war on terror, and a lot of emphasis has been placed on the desirability of interfaith dialogue between Christians and Muslims. But comparatively little attention has been paid to a crucial component of intercultural cooperation on the key global security issues facing the world today: that between and among the United States, Russia, and China. This book examines key security issues of the day from the perspectives of those three powers. From an American perspective, Russia represents an erstwhile enemy of the Cold War era who has the potential to become an ally, while China is poised to become either an enemy, an ally, or an economic rival, depending on whom you listen to. From a Russian perspective, the United States is a former ally during World War II turned Cold War enemy turned lone superpower, with the potential for cooperation and conflict, while China has always embodied both ally and rival, even during the Communist era. To the Chinese, who have had rivalries and cooperative relations with both powers, the United States is currently a valued supplier of both raw materials and a vast market for Chinese goods, while Russia and the United States are rivals in the scramble for influence in the Middle East and elsewhere. With such a complicated history and with a future fraught with all sorts of possibilities, how can these three key powers cooperate in managing and responding to global security threats and terrorism? This book examines key issues of the day, including the threat posed by al Qaeda, WMD, energy security, environmental security, ethnic and religious conflicts, and a nuclear North Korea, from the perspectives of the United States, Russia, and China. Each chapter is written by scholars from at least two of the three countries. In this manner, the book embodies that which it seeks to demonstrate, becoming in itself an artifact of intercultural cooperation in the new international security environment.

This text explores the nature and possibility of revolution and civil strife in the context of international politics. "Terrorism, Civil War, and Revolution" analyzes the role of revolution and civil strife in the present day world. Expanding on the 2nd edition of Calvert's "Revolution and International Politics", this new work reflects the drastic changes that have taken place in the world order since 2001. With an increased focus on terrorism and civil war, the book looks into such key issues as the use of force by the state in the international system, challenges to states, wars of national liberation, counterinsurgency, and more. Written in a clear and accessible manner by a respected expert in the field, the book features the most recent examples of events, such as the insurgency in Sri Lanka, the rise of Al-Qaeda, and the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq. This approach will help situate revolutions in the larger context of political violence and will appeal to anyone interested in comparative politics, international relations, and revolutions.

This book challenges the rhetoric linking 'war on terror' with 'war on human trafficking' by juxtaposing lived experiences of survivors of trafficking, refugees, and labor migrants with macro-level security concerns. Drawing on research in the United States and in Europe, Gozdziak shows how human trafficking has replaced migration in public narratives, policy responses, and practice with migrants and analyzes lived experiences of (in)security of trafficked victims, irregular migrants, and asylum seekers. .

This book examines why Turkey has become infamous as a repressor of news media freedom. For the past decade or so it has stood alongside China as a notorious jailer of journalists - at the same time as being a candidate state of the EU. The author argues that the reasons for this conundrum are complex and whilst the AKP is responsible for the most recent illiberality, its actions should be taken in the wider context of Turkish politics - and the three way battle for power which has been raging between Kemalists, Kurds and Islamists since the republic was founded in 1923. The AKP are the current winners of this tripartite power struggle and the securitisation of journalists as terrorists is part of that quest. Moreover, whilst securitisation is not new, it has intensified recently as the number of the AKP's political opponents has proliferated. Securitisation is also a means of delegitimising journalism - and neutralizing any threat to the AKP's electoral prospects - whilst maintaining a democratic facade on the world stage. Lastly, the book argues that whilst the AKP's securitisation of news began as a means of quashing the reporting of illiberality against wider political targets, since 2016 it has become a target in its own right. In the battle for power in Turkey, journalism is now one of the many losers.

View the Table of Contents. Read the Introduction.

aAs a recognized expert in the field, Hamm is eminently qualified to prepare this text on the subject of terrorism from the criminal law perspective. . . . The text is written in a clear, lively manner.a
--"Choice"

aDrawing on six case studies of terrorist attacks by radical Islamists and right-wing racists, Hamm writes that American counterterrorist agencies have neglected some basic insights from scholarly criminology.a
--"The Chronicle of Higher Education"

"Read this book to understand the important nexus between terrorism and crime! This cutting edge analysis suggests a new approach to defeat the terrorist threat to the United States."
--Marc Sageman, author of "Understanding Terror Networks"

"Hamm's clear writing style, careful research and theoretical insights promise to make this a classic in criminology."
--William J. Chambliss, author of "Power, Politics, and Crime"

"[Provides] the first detailed account of how crime provides logistical support for terrorist strikes. By blending the study of terrorism and criminology, Hamm offers the possibility of detecting and stopping terrorism through the pursuit of conventional methods of criminal investigation."
--Gary LaFree, Director, START, National Center for the Study of Terrorism and Responses to Terrorism University of Maryland Department of Criminology/Democracy

Car bombing, suicide bombing, abduction, smuggling, homicide, and hijacking are all profoundly criminal acts. In Terrorism as Crime Mark S. Hamm presents an understanding of terrorism from a criminological point of view, arguing that the most successful way to understand, detect, prosecute and deter these acts is to use conventional criminal investigation methods. Whether in Oklahoma City or London, Terrorism as Crime demonstrates that criminal activity is the lifeblood of terrorist groups and that there are simple common denominators at work that can remove the mystery surrounding many of these terrorist groups. Once understood the vulnerabilities of these organizations can be exposed.

This important volume focuses in on six case studies of crimes committed by jihad and domestic right wing groups, including biographies of more than two dozen terrorists along with descriptions of their organizations, strategies, and terrorist plots. Terrorism as Crime offers an original and significant framework for explaining international and domestic terrorism, as well as how future acts might be detected or exposed.

The authors explain how and why we must understand the conditions that spur youths to become martyrs by making them think suicide bombings and other acts of self-destructive terrorism are a good way to die. LoCicero and Sinclair present cutting-edge research and theory about the political, social, and living conditions that raise the risk of children deciding to join organizations that use terrorist tactics, and, having joined, to volunteer for missions in which they intentionally die while causing death and destruction, in order to make an impact. Equally important, LoCicero and Sinclair offer concrete suggestions about how ordinary Americans can help reduce and prevent terrorism around the globe.

If you are interested in the JFK assassination, just starting to research the JFK assassination, or you have been studying the subject for a while you really need to have this book in your JFK library. "The JFK Assassination: A Researcher's Guide" is a compilation of almost 47 years of research, by some of the most noted author's in the JFK assassination community. It is like a depository for some of the most important issues of the assassination and more, all in one volume. The material is in an easy to read format with references so the reader can study an issue further if they wish. The author starts by introducing you to people, places, and issues surrounding the JFK assassination. Then you will walk through a sequential order of events leading up to the shooting, including a broad view of the shooting itself. You will continue through the aftermath of the murder, showing the impact this crime had on our history. You will also see proof Lee Harvey Oswald did not murder President Kennedy. Looking at the sequence of events you will see Oswald did not have time to get into position to do the shooting. The motorcade was scheduled to pass the Book Depository at 12:25 pm. Oswald was in the lunch room at 12:15. A good sniper would have been in position well in advance of his prey's expected arrival, which Oswald was not. Contrary to the WC's claim, authorities never had any "court-worthy" evidence putting Oswald in the sniper's window. Finally, looking at the evidence from a totally new perspective you will see definite proof of a conspiracy. It was a simple case of comparing the wounds, with the bullet count, and the time statistics of the rifle. If you were not convinced of a conspiracy before, you will be

During the past several years, Americans have witnessed the frequent occurrence of suicide attacks by radical Muslim groups. The public has wondered what drives someone to kill himself specifically in order to wreak havoc and destruction. While other works address the subject, many entirely ignore the ideological, religious, and cultural appeal of suicide attacks, and none can adequately speak to why certain groups choose to use suicide as a weapon while others do not. Beginning with a careful consideration of the religious and historical reasons, and the justifications that perpetrators find therein for suicide operations, the authors reveal how radical groups have co-opted various aspects of their faith to provide fuel for their current activities. Established policy makers seem helpless to confront this destructive terrorist activity, often implying that countermeasures are ineffective and seeming to say we will just have to wait out the phenomenon. Even such a well-documented policy report as the 9/11 Commission's report failed to address the root of suicide attacks, only critiquing technical aspects of the U.S. security system. Focusing on specific attacks, their roots, their perpetrators, and their outcomes, the authors are able to shed light on this resurgence of radical religious forces that encourage the use of such tactics, and to propose new initiatives and approaches to handling such attacks before and after they occur.

There is a danger in the West of viewing terrorism exclusively through the prism of 9/11. This ground-breaking examination of terrorism in North East India demonstrates how grave a mistake this is.
The nature of terrorism is the subject of ever-increasing scrutiny and there are many lessons to be learned from India's borderlands. Terrorism, fostered at first by post-colonial resentments, took root in the region because of an increased sense of cultural identity and perceived discrimination and exclusion by the Indian state. This book examines the long term effects of terrorism on the population of North East India - where the best-known conflict is the Naga tribe's ongoing campaign for a greater Nagaland - as well as its international consequences.
India's Fragile Borderlands offers a comprehensive study of the nature, origins and history of terrorism in India's North East within an international perspective. Sharing borders with China, Bangladesh, Nepal, Myanmar (Burma) and Bhutan, the region abounds in nationalist, separatist and even religious organizations that have used terrorism as a strategy to achieve their aims. Archana Upadhyay explores the complex and specific ideologies of these groups while highlighting the cross-border links and connections with organized crime that funds the violence in the region. This important new book includes many insights into the nature of terrorism in India's northeastern frontiers and will be invaluable for students of politics, history and International Relations.

Now a 6-part mini-series called Why the Rest of Us Die airing on VICE TV! The shocking truth about the government's secret plans to survive a catastrophic attack on US soil--even if the rest of us die--is "a frightening eye-opener" (Kirkus Reviews) that spans the dawn of the nuclear age to today, and "contains everything one could possibly want to know" (The Wall Street Journal). Every day in Washington, DC, the blue-and-gold first Helicopter Squadron, codenamed "MUSSEL," flies over the Potomac River. As obvious as the Presidential motorcade, most people assume the squadron is a travel perk for VIPs. They're only half right: while the helicopters do provide transport, the unit exists to evacuate high-ranking officials in the event of a terrorist or nuclear attack on the capital. In the event of an attack, select officials would be whisked by helicopters to a ring of secret bunkers around Washington, even as ordinary citizens were left to fend for themselves. "In exploring the incredible lengths (and depths) that successive administrations have gone to in planning for the aftermath of a nuclear assault, Graff deftly weaves a tale of secrecy and paranoia" (The New York Times Book Review) with details "that read like they've been ripped from the pages of a pulp spy novel" (Vice). For more than sixty years, the US government has been developing secret Doomsday strategies to protect itself, and the multibillion-dollar Continuity of Government (COG) program takes numerous forms--from its potential to evacuate the Liberty Bell from Philadelphia to the plans to launch nuclear missiles from a Boeing-747 jet flying high over Nebraska. Garrett M. Graff sheds light on the inner workings of the 650-acre compound, called Raven Rock, just miles from Camp David, as well as dozens of other bunkers the government built for its top leaders during the Cold War, from the White House lawn to Cheyenne Mountain in Colorado to Palm Beach, Florida, and the secret plans that would have kicked in after a Cold War nuclear attack to round up foreigners and dissidents and nationalize industries. Equal parts a presidential, military, and cultural history, Raven Rock tracks the evolution of the government plan and the threats of global war from the dawn of the nuclear era through the War on Terror.

In The Cult of Osama, Psychiatrist Peter Olsson examines Osama bin Laden's early life experiences and explains, from a psychoanalytical perspective, how those created a mind filled with perverse rage at America, as well as why his way of thinking makes him in many cases a hero to Arab and Muslim youths. "Many other writings totally demonize bin Laden, and therein strangely play into putting this troubled man onto a pedestal," says Olsson, who spent 25 years on a social psychological and psychoanalytical study of destructive cults and cult leaders. There are many journalistic, political, military, and intelligence books about bin Laden and his terror cult group. But this one offers a purely psychological and psychobiographical perspective on bin Laden and his mushrooming influence. Bin Laden's destructive "Pied Piper" appeal, leading youths to murder others and even themselves in suicide missions, stems from the peculiar and profoundly important synchrony of shared trauma and pain between bin Laden and Arab/Muslim youth, says Olsson. "And we in the West neglect this topic, at our own peril." Among the insights Olsson provides as he traces the psychological threads of narcissistic wounds and unresolved grief from Osama's childhood are the death of his father when Osama was 10, separation from his mother even earlier, the humiliation of Osama as the "son of a slave" in his father's household, and his lifelong search for a surrogate older brother and father figures among radical Islamist teachers and mentors. Olsson also spotlights the idea that Osama experienced "dark epiphanies" as a young adult which further magnified and focused his unresolved disappointments and narcissistic rage. Thispsychobiography of one of the world's most notorious terrorists, written by an Assistant Professor at Dartmouth Medical School, shows how understanding the psychohistory and mindset of bin Laden could help prevent the development and actions of home-grown American and Western terrorists and their cells.

Religion and Terrorism: The Use of Violence in Abrahamic Monotheism provides theoretical analysis of the nature of religious terrorism and religious martyrdom and also delves deeply into terrorist groups and beliefs in Judaism, Christianity, and Islam. Religious terrorism is found in all three of the great monotheistic faiths, and while the public is most aware of Islamic terrorism, Jewish and Christian faiths have extremist groups that warp their teaching -in ways unrecognizable to most adherents- to support terrorism. This work will be of interest to scholars in religious studies, political science, and sociology.

This book demonstrates that the disciplinary boundaries present within international relations approaches to security studies are redundant when examining social media, and inter- and multi-disciplinary analysis is key. A key result of the analysis undertaken is that when examining the social media sphere security scholars need to "expect the unexpected". This is because social media enables users to subvert, contest and create security narratives with symbols and idioms of their choice which can take into account "traditional" security themes, but also unexpected and under explored themes such as narratives from the local context of the users' towns and cities, and the symbolism of football clubs. The book also explores the complex topography of social media when considering constructions of security. The highly dynamic topography of social media is neither elite dominated and hierarchical as the Copenhagen School conceptualises security speak. However, neither is it completely flat and egalitarian as suggested by the vernacular security studies' non-elite approach. Rather, social media's topography is shifting and dynamic, with individuals gaining influence in security debates in unpredictable ways. In examining social media this book engages with the emancipatory burden of critical security studies. This book argues that it remains unfulfilled on social media and rather presents a "thin" notion of discursive emancipation where social media does provide the ability for previously excluded voices to participate in security debates, even if this does not result in their direct emancipation from power hierarchies and structures offline.

The first book ever written on the new topic of strategic communication and how Usama bin Laden and Ayman al-Zawahiri are attempting to win the hearts and minds of the world-through fear, religion or admiration. "A chilling but insightful analysis of the words and ideas of the most determined - and dangerous -- ideologues of our times. Important reading for anyone trying to understand what we are up against in the movement of Usama bin Laden." Ashton B. Carter, Chair of the International and Global Affairs faculty, Harvard Kennedy School, and former Assistant Secretary of Defense "William Parker and Heidi Bridges force observers and analysts alike to step outside of their innate prejudices and visceral response to the words and ideas of the perpetrators of 9/11, and innumerable ongoing atrocities, to think strategically and to develop a clear real-time picture of the evolution of a hostile political movement. Parker & Bridges have successfully embedded the writings and statements of Usama bin Laden and Ayman al-Zawahiri within the theory, practice, and tradition of strategic communication to yield an invaluable contribution to the intellectual tool kit so critical to the development of the situational awareness vital to recognize and combat the current Jihadist threat. This book is a must read for analysts, policymakers and students in the intelligence, counterterrorism, and homeland security fields." Peter Leitner, President, Higgins Counterterrorism Research Center

This book explores the changing nature of secessionist attempts in connection with rapidly evolving geopolitical and technological landscapes. By presenting theoretical chapters as well as case studies on various secessionist movements around the globe, the contributing authors study a range of topics, including: the role of the media in secessionist conflicts; secessionist referenda and the viability of secessionist attempts in terms of their internal dimension; and external support and interference. The book will appeal to political scientists and international relations scholars who are interested in the processes, politics and geopolitical implications of secessionist movements.

This book examines our contemporary preoccupation with risk and how criminal law and punishment have been transformed as a result of these anxieties. It adopts an historical approach to examine the development of risk control measures used across the US, UK, New Zealand, Australia and Canada - particularly since the 1980's - with the rise of the "security sanction". It also takes a criminological and sociological approach to analysing shifts in criminal law and punishment and its implications for contemporary society and criminal justice systems. Law, Insecurity and Risk Control analyses the range and scope of the 'security sanction' and its immobilizing measures, ranging from control over minor incivilities to the most serious crimes. Despite these innovations, though, it argues that our anxieties about risk have become so extensive that the "security sanction" is no longer sufficient to provide social stability and cohesion. As a consequence, people have been attracted to the 'magic' of populism in a revolt against mainstream politics and organisations of government, as with the EU referendum in the UK and the US presidential election of Donald Trump in 2016. While there have been political manoeuvrings to rein back risk and place new controls on it, these have only brought further disillusionment, insecurity and anxiety. This book argues that the "security sanction" is likely to become more deeply embedded in the criminal justice systems of these societies, as new risks to both the well-being of individuals and the nation state are identified.

The amount of publicly and often freely available information is staggering. Yet, the intelligence community still continues to collect and use information in the same manner as during WWII, when the OSS set out to learn as much as possible about Nazi Germany and Imperial Japan by scrutinizing encyclopedias, guide books, and short-wave radio. Today, the supply of information is greater than any possible demand, and anyone can provide information. In effect, intelligence analysts are drowning in information.
The book explains how to navigate this rising flood and make best use of these new, rich sources of information. Written by a pioneer in the field, it explores the potential uses of digitized data and the impact of the new means of creating and transmitting data, recommending to the intelligence community new ways of collecting and processing information.
This comprehensive overview of the world of open source intelligence will appeal not only to practitioners and students of intelligence, but also to anyone interested in communication and the challenges posed by the information age.

This book explores modern Islamic terrorism in the context of globalization and cultural evolution. 21st century terrorism is different and new, first because it relies heavily on electronic communication systems and other aspects of modern technologies, and second, because it is in large part a product of fractured globalization, with its associated threats to the collective identity of Muslims. Part one of this work contrasts globalization as an ideal with globalization as it is actually taking place, with its enormous contradictions and threats. Moghaddam, a longtime and highly respected terrorism and conflict researcher, argues that globalization is resulting in serious threats to the basic psychological needs of some, particularly in connection with collective identity. Part two explores how globalization has brought sudden contact between different groups with no previous history of large-scale contact, resulting in a rapid decline in diversity. Terrorism is one of the dysfunctional defense mechanisms of people in such conditions, facing external threats. Part three describes long-term solutions, focusing particularly on the role of women and the nature of the family in traditional Islamic societies.

Moghaddam shows us why globalization is resulting in what he calls catastrophic evolution, the rapid decline and disappearance of minority cultures and languages, and why that brings a clash of ideologies and the rise of extremism. There are also other dangerous trends, and those call for inspired solutions, springing from an understanding that traditional conflict-resolution, evolved in the shadow of the Cold War, is no longer effective and needs to change.

In the wake of 2001, terrorism laws and their policing have been charged with eroding civil liberties and discriminating against Muslim and ethnic minority peoples. Traces of Terror: Counter-Terrorism Law, Policing, and Race goes further and asks how counter-terrorism reproduces the social relations of race: what police and legal practice, what knowledge and what power makes over-policing normal. Based on field work in Australia, this book investigates the effects of counter-terrorism law and policing on Muslim, Somali, Turkish Kurds and Sri Lankan Tamil communities. Drawing together in-depth interviews with members of Victoria Police and those who are being policed, participant observations of community forums, and a detailed investigation of government and police policy, legislation and case law, the author explains how processes of criminalization and racialization are sustained. The study analyses preparatory terrorism offences and 'terrorist organization' laws, as well as the application of contentious concepts including extremism, radicalization and counter-radicalization. The book explains the management of difference, identity and belonging through expanding police and intelligence powers as well as through community policing and multicultural social policy. Above all, this book traces the persistence of race, racialization and racism in practices presented, on the surface, as 'race neutral', consensual and inclusive. From raids and prosecutions, to informal questioning and communitarian forms of regulation, it demonstrates the enduring and shifting meanings of these concepts as practices and their lived, often contradictory effects on the populations who experience them. Traces of Terror is not a study of police racism nor of experiences of discrimination, but rather an explanation of the enduring organisation of racial power reflected in, and produced by, counter-terrorism.

How have states in the Middle East and North Africa responded to the War on Terror? While much scholarship has focused on terrorism in the region, there is need for critical studies of Middle Eastern states' counter-terrorism policies. This book addresses that need by investigating Morocco's unique approach to counter-terrorism: the bureaucratization of religion. Morocco's strategy is unique in the degree to which it relies on reforms that seek to make the country's religious institutions into tools for rewarding loyalty and discouraging dissent from religious elites. Through these measures they have limited opposition through an enduring form of institutional control, accommodating some of the country's most virulent critics. This book will be of great use to researchers and scholars of Middle Eastern politics, and it will also appeal to those policymakers interested in security studies and counter-terrorism policies.