Terrorism and terrorists have become a much talked about topic. Terrorism is often seen as a Middle Eastern problem and terrorists are often perceived as only having a Muslim background. It may surprise many to learn that Americans are and have been terrorists since the birth of the nation. This book investigates and discusses many instances in which Americans were themselves the terrorists and the victims.

This work, together with Mickolus's "Literature of Terrorism: A Selectively Annotated Bibliography," published in 1980, provides the most comprehensive bibliography on terrorist violence available in print. "Terrorism, 1980-1987" concentrates on material written during the 1980s, a period which has seen an enormous outpouring of commentary and research on terrorism and terrorist attacks. In addition to surveying journalistic, social scientific, and traditional historical studies in some dozen languages, the book also includes the fictional literature of terrorism, offering a broad cross-section of research and opinion on the subject. The material is organized into sections based on region and functional categories, enabling the researcher to compare quickly developments in specific topics. Coverage ranges from general treatments of terrorism and tactics of terrorists to material that deals with the terrorist infrastructure, terrorism in specific geographic areas, and responses to terrorism. The compilers have made special efforts to include items from publications not often cited in terrorism studies, both to give the reader an indication of the breadth of material available and to offer insights into the pervasive effects of terrorism on all aspects of life.

Most philosophers and political scientists readily admit that Thomas Hobbes is a significant figure in the history of political thought. His theory was, arguably, one of the first to provide a justification for political legitimacy from the perspective of each individual subject. Many excellent books and articles have examined the justification and structure of Hobbes' commonwealth, ethical system, and interpretation of Christianity. What is troubling is that the Hobbesian project has been largely missing in the applied ethics and public policy literature. We often find applications of Kantian deontology, Bentham's or Mill's utilitarianism, Rawls's contractualism, the ethics of care, and various iterations of virtue ethics. Hobbesian accounts are routinely ignored and often derided. This is unfortunate because Hobbes's project offers a unique perspective. To ignore it, when such a perspective would be fruitful to apply to another set of theoretical questions, is a problem in need of a remedy. This volume seeks to eliminate (or, at the very least, partially fill) this gap in the literature. Not only will this volume appeal to those that are generally familiar with Hobbesian scholarship, it will also appeal to a variety of readers that are largely unfamiliar with Hobbes.

Spreading Hate examines the evolution of the white power movement around the world, explaining its appeal and the threat it poses as well as many failures. The modern white power movement is now a global, transnational phenomenon. In this sweeping, authoritative account, Daniel Byman traces the key moments in the white power movement's evolution in the United States and around the world and then details its many facets today. Using a wide range of sources, Byman explodes several myths about white power terrorism and exposes dangerous gaps in current policies. For almost two decades since 9/11, white supremacist terrorism has been relegated to a secondary concern in the US and Europe despite the fact that it was clearly metastasizing. This neglect has led to shocking episodes of violence from New Zealand to Norway to South Carolina and has eroded faith in Western democratic institutions. Because white power terrorists' grievances echo mainstream debates and their violence often exacerbates polarization, their political impact can be inordinately high even if the body count is low. As Byman stresses, they are not a hide-bound movement seeking to turn back the clock, but are dynamic, drawing on ideas from around the world and exploiting the most cutting-edge technologies, especially social media. White power terrorists, however, have many weaknesses. They are divided, with poor leadership, and often attract the incompetent and the criminal as well as the dangerous and deluded. If governments act decisively and treat white power terrorism with the same urgency they use to manage jihadist violence, then the threat can be reduced. This will require aggressive law enforcement, international intelligence cooperation, crackdowns by technology companies, and other forceful steps. Considering policy solutions as well as synthesizing a vast body of scholarly research, Spreading Hate will be essential reading for anyone worried about this an increasingly networked movement that threatens to grow more dangerous in the years to come.

With intensified threats to global security from international terrorism worldwide, education systems themselves face these same unprecedented security threats. Schools and universities have become marked loci of interest for the monitoring of extremism and counter-terrorism by security and intelligence agencies. The relationship between education systems and national security is nothing new though - it extends in surprising and unexpected ways into territory which is by turns open and covert, even secret. Acknowledging the genuine political and security concerns which have drawn educational systems ever closer to the intelligence community, this book shows how and why this has happened, and explains why the relationship between education and the security and intelligence communities extends beyond contemporary concerns with counter-terrorism. As the title of this book demonstrates, this is as much an intellectual challenge as a security struggle. Education, Security and Intelligence Studies thus critically engages with multi-disciplinary perspectives on a complex and contentious interface: between systems of often secret and covert national security and intelligence and open systems of national education. Delving into difficult to access and often closely guarded aspects of public life, the book provides the pathfinding groundwork and theoretical modelling for research into a complex of little explored institutional and epistemological interconnectedness between universities and the security and intelligence agencies. This book was originally published as a special issue of the British Journal of Educational Studies.

This book deals with the difficulty democracies face in conducting asymmetric warfare in highly populated areas without violating international humanitarian law. On numerous occasions, democratic nations have been singled out by human rights NGOs for the brutality of their modus operandi, for their inadequate attention to the protection of civilian populations, or for acts of abuse or torture on prisoners. Why do they perpetrate these violations? Do they do so intentionally or unintentionally? Can democracies combat irregular armed groups without violating international law? When their population is under threat, do they behave as non-democracies would? Does this type of war inevitably produce war crimes on a more or less massive scale?

This study investigates the overlaps between political discourse and literary and cinematic fiction, arguing that both are informed by, and contribute to, the cultural imaginary of terrorism. Whenever mass-mediated acts of terrorism occur, they tend to trigger a proliferation of threat scenarios not only in the realm of literature and film but also in the statements of policymakers, security experts, and journalists. In the process, the discursive boundary between the factual and the speculative can become difficult to discern. To elucidate this phenomenon, this book proposes that terror is a halfway house between the real and the imaginary. For what characterizes terrorism is less the single act of violence than it is the fact that this act is perceived to be the beginning, or part, of a potential series, and that further acts are expected to occur. As turn-of-the-century writers such as Stevenson and Conrad were the first to point out, this gives terror a fantastical dimension, a fact reinforced by the clandestine nature of both terrorist and counter-terrorist operations. Supported by contextual readings of selected texts and films from The Dynamiter and The Secret Agent through late-Victorian science fiction to post-9/11 novels and cinema, this study explores the complex interplay between actual incidents of political violence, the surrounding discourse, and fictional engagement with the issue to show how terrorism becomes an object of fantasy. Drawing on research from a variety of disciplines, The Cultural Imaginary of Terrorism will be a valuable resource for those with interests in the areas of Literature and Film, Terrorism Studies, Peace and Conflict Studies, Trauma Studies, and Cultural Studies.

In this timely book, Marranci critically surveys the available theories on Islamic fundamentalism and extremism. Rejecting essentialism and cultural reductionism, the book suggests that identity and emotion play an essential role in the phenomenon that has been called fundamentalism.

This book offers an accessible and timely analysis of the 'War on Terror', based on an innovative approach to a broad range of theoretical and empirical research. It uses 'gendered orientalism' as a lens through which to read the relationship between the George W. Bush administration, gendered and racialized military intervention, and global politics. Khalid argues that legitimacy, power, and authority in global politics, and the 'War on Terror' specifically, are discursively constructed through representations that are gendered and racialized, and often orientalist. Looking at the ways in which 'official' US 'War on Terror' discourse enabled military intervention into Afghanistan and Iraq, the book takes a postcolonial feminist approach to broaden the scope of critical analyses of the 'War on Terror' and reflect on the gendered and racial underpinnings of key relations of power within contemporary global politics. This book is a unique, innovative and significant analysis of the operation of race, orientalism, and gender in global politics, and the 'War on Terror' specifically. It will be of great interest to scholars and graduates interested in gender politics, development, humanitarian intervention, international (global) relations, Middle East politics, security, and US foreign policy.

Ulrike Meinhof's entrance into the West German terrorist underground was both a footnote to the waning student movement of the late 1960s, and a preamble to the bloodiest period in Germany's post-war history. Meinhof fought to make herself heard as a high-profile journalist before becoming a founding member of the Red Army Faction (RAF) in 1970. She continued writing in the underground and from 1972, in prison, until she was found dead in her cell in 1976. Leith Passmore traces Meinhof's struggle to communicate from her time as a journalist, through her escape to the underground, her prison years, and the Stammheim trial. He examines for the first time the performativity of terrorist acts of language, imagery, and physical violence to reveal how Meinhof made and re-made RAF terrorism.

This book provides a unique perspective, at once scholarly and fully engaged, on the political violence in South Africa during 'The Time of the Comrades' in the mid-1980s. The work of a group of social scientists and professionals, whose own work and thinking have been profoundly affected by the political crisis of that time, it provides an in-depth research and analysis as well as critical reflections on the difficult political and theoretical issues raised by political violence and the struggle in South Africa.

This book examines the role of gender in political conflicts worldwide, specifically the intersection between gender and terrorism. Political violence has historically been viewed as a male domain with men considered the perpetrators of violence and power, and women as victims without power. Whereas men and masculinity are associated with war and aggression, women and femininity conjure up socially constructed images of passivity and peace. This distinction of men as aggressors and women as passive victims denies women their voice and agency. This book investigates how women cope with and influence violent politics, and is both a descriptive and analytical attempt to describe in what ways women are present or absent in political contexts involving political violence, and how they deal with gender assumptions, express gender identities, and frame their actions regarding political violence encountered in their lives. The book looks to reach beyond the notion of women as victims of terrorism or genocide without agency, and to recognize the gendered nature of political conflicts and how women respond to violence. This book will be of interest to advanced undergraduate and graduate students in political science, sociology, cultural studies, and gender studies, academics in terrorism studies and gender studies, government officials, NGOs, and professionals working in areas of violent conflict.

Phases of Terrorism in the Age of Globalization considers terrorism as an aspect of the capitalist world system for almost five centuries. Jalata's research reveals that terrorism can emerge from above as state terrorism and below as subversive organizations or groups.

In When Worlds Collide, Gene Heck challenges conventional wisdom that the introspective Wahhabi movement or classic Islamic doctrines are the root causes of modern Middle East terrorism. Instead, he persuasively argues that current regional unrest stems directly from internal perceptions of relative political and economic deprivation as well as from ad hoc abortive efforts by tunnel-visioned Western intelligence agencies to co-opt radical regional political-religious elements as opposing forces against other emerging global ideologies deemed more politically dangerous at the time. The greatest opportunity to neutralize these militant fringe element in turn, lies not in the imposition of Anglo-American democracy, but rather through reaching out to moderate allies who are the vast majority within the Islamic world, promoting self-determined governing systems, and creating constructive development programs that ensure a more equitable distribution of wealth to the economically disenfranchised to whom the extremist groups now appeal. Foreign policy analysts and decision makers, as well as scholars of both religion and Middle Eastern politics, will value Heck's detailed analysis.

Preparing for the Worst details the best practices in antiterrorism tactics and preparing for disaster. This book is for typical American families, business travelers, corporate executive management personnel, emergency first responders, school administrators, and local government officials responsible for public safety and emergency management. Americans are regularly bombarded with reports of disaster and tragedy in the daily news. Catastrophes like earthquakes, hurricanes, floods, violent crimes, and terrorism are so common and routine that many of us have become numb to the stories. Without a heightened awareness, focused concern, and effective planning, we have lost the edge that can save lives. Do you know what you should do to protect your family during a disaster? Does your neighbor have the knowledge required to survive a catastrophic event? Part of the solution is rooted in common sense, but much more depends upon effectively applying learned survival skills. Americans need a helpful reference tool-a Swiss army knife for handling today's threats. This book is that tool. A former U.S. Marine and Desert Storm veteran, Schaefer-Jones has experienced calamity firsthand. He is also a concerned husband and the father of three young children. While considering how he would personally handle a disastrous event close to home, he came to realize that a comprehensive how-to guide was not available-until now.

Ludger Mees offers the first comprehensive study of one of Europe's most protracted ethnic conflicts. He carefully analyses both the historical roots of the conflict and its later growing violent dimension. Special attention is paid to the framing of a new opportunity structure during the 1990s, which facilitated the first serious, but ultimately frustrated, attempt to broker a settlement. In the light of different theoretical and comparative approaches, the reasons for the dramatic return of terrorism and the possibilities of a more successful conflict de-escalation in the near future are discussed.

This is the first in-depth reconstruction of a major British decolonization based fully on original documentation. Robert Holland's unique case-study is essential reading for anybody interested in the response of policy makers to the challenge of 'terrorism' overseas after 1945, the liquidation of the British Empire, the breakdown of ethnic co-existence under intense pressure, and the effects of regional destabilization on the wider international system.

"Terror and terrorism are today parts of our human condition. But as opposed to certain others, some called "experts on terrorism," who in their pre-enlightenment ways only talk about evil and hatred and war on terrorism, Webel in the best tradition of our civilization tries to understand the phenomenon. And in doing so he also examines terrorism by the state, like the terrorist killing of tens of thousand in Dresden.The book is a must for those who want to understand, not only pontificate"--Johan Galtung, Professor of Peace Studies, Director TRANSCEND
"Charles Webel has provided a stunning analysis of terror in terms of its psychological, social, and political impact. He also has important important ideas about how to confront it. This is a major work that forces us to deal with our fears and the politicians who prey upon them." --Stephen Eric Bronner, Rutgers University

Carl Schmitt's friend/enemy principle is exposed to in-depth philosophical analysis and historical examination with the aim of showing that the political follows hostility, violence and terror as form follows matter. The book argues that the partisan is an umbrella concept that includes the national and global terrorist.

The book critically examines the effects of the War on Terror on the relationships between civil society, security and aid. It argues that the War on Terror regime has greatly reshaped the field of development and it highlights the longer-lasting impacts of post-9/11 counter-terrorism responses on aid policy and practice on civil society.

Over the past few years, coverage of terror attacks has featured prominently in numerous media outlets. Drawing on both popular and academic articles, the essays in Media, Terrorism, and Theory: A Reader analyze the larger issues surrounding media's portrayal of terrorism, including terrorism as a media event, war and media, nationalism and media, public responsibility, and journalistic accountability. Renowned contributors from around the world explore these issues as they relate to a global community. From such diverse fields as cultural studies, political science, media studies, architecture, and information science, each brings a distinctive perspective. Answering a growing need to understand media discourse on terrorism, Media, Terrorism, and Theory complements readings in upper-level mass communication courses and will appeal to students and scholars of international media and terrorism.

This authoritative book provides a holistic overview of terrorist groups and finances, including consideration of the necessity and differing financial needs of different groups. For over a decade international efforts by law enforcement, government and financial regulatory authorities have been deployed in combatting terrorist financing, in good faith and with dedication beyond reproach. This book surveys the methods of financing of numerous terrorist groups and organisations 'AEi including the Chinese and Asian dimension 'AEi and considers why ultimately international efforts to combat the financing of terror are failing. Nick Ridley expertly illustrates the scale of the problem by first outlining the strategies of anti terrorist financing, the pre and post 9/11 differences in scope and extent of terrorist attacks, the financial support and the national and international efforts to implement and carry out countermeasures. He then goes on to set out a detailed analysis of the apparent failure of such counter measures to date. Including operational case studies and details from the authors own experience, studies and access to law enforcement and private sector sources, this book will prove insightful for undergraduate and postgraduate students studying criminology, history and law disciplines. Those in the legal profession will also find plenty of useful information in this topical compendium.

This book explores the contours of women's involvement in the Irish Republican Army, political protest and the prison experience in Northern Ireland. Through the voices of female and male combatants, it demonstrates that women remained marginal in the examination of imprisonment during the Conflict and in the negotiated peace process. However, the book shows that women performed a number of roles in war and peace that placed constructions of femininity in dissent. Azrini Wahidin argues that the role of the female combatant is not given but ambiguous. She indicates that a tension exists between different conceptualisations of societal security, where female combatants both fought against societal insecurity posed by the state and contributed to internal societal dissonance within their ethno-national groups. This book tackles the lacunae that has created a disturbing silence and an absence of a comprehensive understanding of women combatants, which includes knowledge of their motivations, roles and experiences. It will be of particular interest to scholars of criminology, politics and peace studies.

The infamous detainees of Guantnamo, garbed in their bright orange prison jumpsuits, have come to symbolize a host of controversial policies and powers claimed by President George W. Bush in the so-called war on terror. Designated as "enemy combatants," a vaguely defined and previously unrecognized category in the international laws of war, they have been at the center of a legal firestorm challenging the Bush administration's conduct of the war.

Howard Ball, one of our nation's leading constitutional authorities, takes a close look at the White House's defense of its detainee program (what some have called an "American gulag"), the court actions used to challenge that enormous expansion of unchecked presidential power, and the potential threats to American democracy should those actions ultimately fail. Focusing on the Enemy Combatants Cases of 2004 and 2006-including Rasul v. Bush, Hamdi v. Bush, Rumsfeld v. Padilla, and Hamdan v. Rumsfeld-Ball examines competing legal arguments pitting the detainees' fundamental human rights (including habeas corpus) against Bush's proclamation that he alone has the authority to decide their fate, as well as efforts by the Court and Congress to reclaim their own authority in such matters.

Ball describes how the administration repeatedly found ways to evade both the letter and spirit of the Court's decisions through new legislation, presidential signing statements, and even redefinition of the status of the detainees. He also examines the official context of the cases--including the two Congressional Authorizations for the Use of Military Force, the "Patriot Act," and the NSA's warrantless wiretapping program--as well as other factors such as presidential claims to "state secrets privilege," the torture controversy, and the impact of the 2006 elections.

Ball's trenchant commentary reminds us once again that, in a time of war, there will always be a great tension between the need for security and the constitutional protection of due process for all persons within the nation's jurisdiction. In assessing the Bush administration's actions, his study underscores the significant extent to which they have diminished those protections. Ultimately, it tells a troubling story about the relationship between absolute presidential power and the principles of representative government, one that thoughtful readers cannot afford to ignore.