Why has labor played a more limited role in national politics in the United States than it has in other advanced industrial societies? Victoria Hattam demonstrates that voluntarism, as American labor's policy was known, was the American Federation of Labor's strategic response to the structure of the American state, particularly to the influence of American courts. The AFL's strategic calculation was not universal, however. This book reveals the competing ideologies and acts of interpretation that produced these variations in state-labor relations. Originally published in 1993. The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.

In 1900 the manufacture of rubber products in the United States was concentrated in several hundred small plants around New York and Boston that employed low-paid immigrant workers with no intervention from unions. By the mid-1930s, thanks to the automobile and the Depression, production was concentrated in Ohio, the labor force was largely native born and highly paid, and labor organizations had a decisive influence on the industry. Daniel Nelson tells the story of these changes as a case study of union growth against a background of critical developments in twentieth-century economic life. The author emphasizes the years after 1910, when a crucial distinction arose between big, mass-production rubber producers and those that were smaller and more labor intensive. In the 1930s mass-production workers took the lead in organizing the labor movement, and they dominated the international union, the United Rubber Workers, until the end of the decade. Professor Nelson discusses not only labor's triumph over adversity but also the problems that occurred with union victories: the flight of the industry to low-wage communities in the South and Midwest, internal tensions in the union, and rivalry with the American Federation of Labor. The experiences of the URW in the late 1930s foreshadowed the longer-term challenges that the labor movement has faced in recent decades. Originally published in 1988. The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.

Colin Winston traces the Libres' emergence following the collapse of Catholic syndicalism in Catalonia and shows how, in the period up to the Civil War, they moved from radical Carlism to a form of proletarian fascism. Originally published in 1984. The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.

In this book, first-rate international scholars in the field explore the role that unions are likely to play in the changed economic environment of the new century. Questions discussed include: What will unions look like in the years to come? Which kind of interest groups will they represent? How important will be the broader political role of unions? To what extent do unions care about future generations?

By the turn of the twentieth century, Chicago, site of the Haymarket affair and the Pullman strike, had acquired a reputation as the bastion of labor unions. At the same time, Progressive-era Chicago was known as the laboratory of social reform-the city where muckraking journalists, college-trained professionals, and civic-minded millionaires worked together to rebuild the slums, improve sanitation, and eradicate political corruption. When union workers and middle-class reformers united, the combination of labor militancy and astute politics was truly a force to be reckoned with. In Chicago's Progressive Alliance, Leidenberger tells the story of the coalition of reformers and workers advocating municipal control of Chicago's streetcars. Why streetcars? At the time, streetcars were the main mode of transportation for Chicago's diverse population, so common interest certainly played a factor. Workers also shared the reformers' ideology, and issues surrounding streetcars encompassed a host of Progressive concerns: the debate over the extent of state power over private service enterprises, the crusade against corruption, and the uses and public nature of city spaces. Most important, the alliance embodied Progressivism's central ideal-overcoming class conflict and defining the public interest. By examining the alliance's formation, political tactics, and ultimate demise, Leidenberger offers new insights on the history of labor, class relations, and political culture in urban America. Dramatic photos of streetcars and of union laborers and their supporters accentuate this study of Progressivism in action. Chicago's Progressive Alliance will appeal to those interested in American political history, labor history, urban history, and transportation history.

This work covers the formative era of English labour law from the 18th century when organizations of skilled workers emerged from the guild system, to the early 20th century when national unions used their democratic political power to secure a favourable legal regime. The notorious Combination Acts of 1799 and 1800 are placed firmly in the context of the preceding series of statutes for particular trades and places, as well as related to the developing law of conspiracy. This book rescues from obscurity the Molestation of Workmen Act in the mid-19th century, the product of a curious collaboration by trade unionists and Conservative politicians, and integrates it with changing notions of contract as the basis of industrial relations. Finally, the book presents the foundations of modern labour law, the legislation of the 1870s (as amended in 1906), as the culmination of a centuries-long process of statutory and precedential development. The book should interest students and scholars of labour law and trade union law, as well as some historians and trade unionists.

How is it that the Soviet superpower became the economically dependent Russia of the late 1990s? Based upon impressive archival research and extensive fieldwork, this timely study compares the politics of Gorbachev and Yeltsin as the attempted to throw off the enduring economic legacies of Stalinism.

Because workers and labor policy lay at the heart of the communist experiment, Christensen focuses upon the organization and activism of the Russian working class. Challenging the prevailing views of sovietologists, Christensen argues that the labor movement under Gorbachev was as crucial for the destruction of communism as were the nationalist revolts.

Indeed, Christensen shows that Gorbachev facilitated democratization more successfully than Yeltsin. Russian economic collapse was not inevitable but rather the result of Yeltsin's inappropriate policies. "Shock therapy" and unregulated privatization prevented democratic control over the economy and weakened an emerging worker movement that held great promise for easing Russia's transition to a stable post-communist system.

Russia's Workers in Transition approaches economic and social policy in Russia historically as well as empirically, tracing long-term evolutions across the Soviet and Russian periods. Russia's unique circumstances explain the failure of transition policies that had worked elsewhere, leading Christensen to reexamine the assumptions of "post-communist" transition theory.

Theoretically sophisticated yet accessible, Russia's Workers in Transition is essential reading for those interested in Soviet and Russian history and politics, labor policy, and democratic transitions.

Why has labor played a more limited role in national politics in the United States than it has in other advanced industrial societies? Victoria Hattam demonstrates that voluntarism, as American labor's policy was known, was the American Federation of Labor's strategic response to the structure of the American state, particularly to the influence of American courts. The AFL's strategic calculation was not universal, however. This book reveals the competing ideologies and acts of interpretation that produced these variations in state-labor relations.

Originally published in 1993.

The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These paperback editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.

This book combines the tools of political science, sociology, and labor history to offer a wide-ranging analysis of how unions have participated in politics in Britain, Germany, and the United States. Rather than focus exclusively on national union federations, Gary Marks investigates variations among individual unions both within and across these countries. By examining the individual unions that make up union movements, he probes beyond national descriptions of British laborism, German socialism, and American business unionism while bringing the analysis closer to the actual experiences of people who joined labor organizations.

Among the topics Marks examines are state repression of unions, the Organizational Revolution, the contrasting experiences of printing and coalmining unions, and American Exceptionalism.

Originally published in 1989.

The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These paperback editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.

"The strength of this book . . . encompasses a broad view of history from the bottom up and deals not only with biographical background of the nonelite in labor but with insights into black, immigrant, and grassroots working-class history as well."--"Choice"

Originally published in 1981.

The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These paperback editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.

A comprehensive and practical analysis of the Information and Consultation of Employees Regulations 2004. The Regulations, which come into force on a rolling basis from spring 2005, represent a fundamental and complex change to employee relations in the UK, requesting companies to set up domestic works councils and inform and consult them about a wide range of business issues. This book provides a detailed explanation of the contents of the regulations, as well as offering expert guidance on their implications for employers in practice. The text explains the operation of the new law on a mechanical level and provides expert guidance on its implications. It addresses the practical concerns and questions of those affected - when do the regulations apply; how is the information and consultation process started; how does an employer negotiate; when should a voluntary procedure be considered; what does 'information and consultation' mean; how is confidential information best treated; how will the new be procedure enforced; how does it interact with existing laws on redundancy and TUPE? The Narrative is supported by flowcharts and sample procedures, together with the full text of relevant materials (the Regulations, the Directive, and DTI guidance).

Coming at a time of profound change in the global conditions under which American organized labor exists, The Future of the American Labor Movement describes and analyzes labor's strategic alternatives. It casts its net broadly, taking into account ideas that range from the current European Social Dialogue to the methods of the nineteenth Century American Knights of Labor. There are a number of intriguing strategies that have potential for reviving the U.S. labor movement, of which worker ownership and labor capital strategies are examples. There is a necessity for a number of diverse strategies to be pursued simultaneously. For this to work, there has to be a a broad movement of labor, consisting of diverse parts, held together by a clear idea of its purpose and a new structure. Hoyt N. Wheeler is Professor of Management and Chair, Management Department, Moore School of Business, University of South Carolina. Wheeler is a former president of the Industrial Relations Research Association, and editor of its magazine Perspectives on Work. He has won teaching awards at the University of Minnesota and at the University of South Carolina. His publications include Industrial Conflict: An Integrative Theory (South Carolina, 1985), which was a Choice magazine as a Outstanding Academic title, and Workplace Justice: Employment Justice in International Perspective (co-editor, Flower, 1994). Wheeler is an attorney specializing in labor law, and labor relations arbitrator and a member of the National Academy of Arbitrators.

Collective bargaining is still the main vehicle worldwide for labor to negotiate with management in both the public and private sectors. This book presents a new theoretical model of union bargaining. It challenges the commonly held view that collective bargaining has a negative impact on economic welfare and argues that with the existence of market failure, collective bargaining can be welfare enhancing. This book will be a research resource for scholars, professionals and policymakers and supplementary reading for upper-level courses in labor economics, public economics, game theory and international economics.

Building Ships, Building a Nation examines the rise and fall, during the rule of Park Chung Hee (1961-79), of the combative labor union at the Korea Shipbuilding and Engineering Corporation (KSEC), which was Korea's largest shipyard until Hyundai appeared on the scene in the early 1970s. Drawing on the union's extraordinary and extensive archive, Hwasook Nam focuses on the perceptions, attitudes, and discourses of the mostly male heavy-industry workers at the shipyard and on the historical and sociopolitical sources of their militancy. Inspired by legacies of labor activism from the colonial and immediate postcolonial periods, KSEC union workers fought for equality, dignity, and a voice for labor as they struggled to secure a living wage that would support families. The standard view of the South Korean labor movement sees little connection between the immediate postwar era and the period since the 1970s and largely denies positive legacies coming from the period of Japanese colonialism in Korea. Contrary to this conventional view, Nam charts the importance of these historical legacies and argues that the massive mobilization of workers in the postwar years, even though it ended in defeat, had a major impact on the labor movement in the following decades.

This book analyzes the crucial features of unionized labor markets in industrialized countries, with particular emphasis on Britain and the United States. The techniques used by economists to model unionized labor markets are carefully explained. The connection between theoretical modeling and empirical testing of the theories is also emphasized. The book is directed to undergraduate economics students studying labor economics and to masters students in economics or industrial relations, but it is also accessible to general readers with a quantitative background.

Why has there been no viable, independent labor party in the United States? Many people assert "American exceptionalist" arguments, which state a lack of class-consciousness and union tradition among American workers is to blame. While the racial, ethnic, and gender divisions within the American working class have created organizational challenges for the working class, Moody uses archival research to argue that despite their divisions, workers of all ethnic and racial groups in the Gilded Age often displayed high levels of class consciousness and political radicalism. In place of "American exceptionalism," Moody contends that high levels of internal migration during the late 1800's created instability in the union and political organizations of workers. Because of the tumultuous conditions brought on by the uneven industrialization of early American capitalism, millions of workers became migrants, moving from state to state and city to city. The organizational weakness that resulted undermined efforts by American workers to build independent labor-based parties in the 1880s and 1890s. Using detailed research and primary sources; Moody traces how it was that 'pure-and-simple' unionism would triumph by the end of the century despite the existence of a significant socialist minority in organized labor at that time. Kim Moody was a founder of Labor Notes and is the author of On New Terrain .

"Professor Zaragosa Vargas has penned an extraordinary book. "Labor Rights Are Civil Rights" not only demonstrates the long-standing integration of workers' rights and civil rights but also provides a provocative, comprehensive sweep of Mexican-American labor history. I highly recommend it."--Vicki L. Ruiz, author of "From Out of the Shadows: Mexican Women in 20th Century America"

"Zaragosa Vargas has provided us with an insightful and revealing study of the crucial role of Mexican and Mexican American workers in struggles for union rights and civil rights in Southwestern agriculture and industry during the 1930s and 1940s. Drawing on his extensive original research he has effectively situated those struggles in the context of both national and international political changes, producing a book that should be required reading for anyone interested in the history of these decades."--David Montgomery, author of "Citizen Worker: The Experience of Workers in the United States with Democracy and the Free Market during the Nineteenth Century"

""Labor Rights Are Civil Rights" is a brilliant and much-needed contribution. Vargas not only compels us to re-think 20th century American working-class and civil rights history, but he tells a powerful transnational story, reminding us that so-called U.S. history doesn't stop at the Rio Grande."--Robin D. G. Kelley, author of "Freedom Dreams: The Black Radical Imagination"

Zaragosa Vargas stunningly chronicles the vast oppression and previously hidden history of Mexican American workers, especially women. His hard-hitting, comprehensive narrative shows how their battles for labor rights, like those of African American workers, simultaneouslybecame struggles for freedom. This is a major work exposing the radical and working-class roots of the civil rights movements of the twentieth century."--Michael Honey, author of "Black Workers Remember, An Oral History, and Southern Labor and Black Civil Rights,"

"Impressively grounded in primary sources and bolstered by a sharp analysis of the best of the secondary literature, the book is simultaneously a powerful piece of synthesis and a strong and original new interpretation."--David Gutierrez, University of California, San Diego

This work explores three key topics in social psychology: the manner in which labour unions shape organizational behaviour, a relationship which has been effectively ignored in the literature; the organization of the union itself, a fascinating test case for the organizational psychologist; and the way in which theories and methods of organizational psychology may assist labor organizations in achieving their goals. Since the union maintains unique characteristics of democracy, conflict, and voluntary participation within a larger organization, the authors offer a detailed study of a union's dynamics, including demographic and personality predictors of membership, voting behaviour, union commitment and loyalty, the nature of participation, leadership styles, collective bargaining, among other topics. This is the first book to be published in the new Industrial and Organizational Psychology Series. It will be of interest to not only industrial and organizational psychologists in industry, academica, and private and public organizations, but to graduate students in psychology departments and business schools, and to academics and professionals in business and management studying industrial relations.

In Art Work, Katja Praznik counters the Western understanding of art - as a passion for self-expression and an activity done out of love, without any concern for its financial aspects - and instead builds a case for understanding art as a form of invisible labour. Focusing on the experiences of art workers and the history of labour regulation in the arts in socialist Yugoslavia, Praznik helps elucidate the contradiction at the heart of artistic production and the origins of the mystification of art as labour. This profoundly interdisciplinary book highlights the Yugoslav socialist model of culture as the blueprint for uncovering the interconnected aesthetic and economic mechanisms at work in the exploitation of artistic labour. It also shows the historical trajectory of how policies toward art and artistic labour changed by the end of the 1980s. Calling for a fundamental rethinking of the assumptions behind Western art and exploitative labour practices across the world, Art Work will be of interest to scholars in East European studies, art theory, and cultural policy, as well as to practicing artists.

In the summer of 1968 Peter Matthiessen met Cesar Chavez for the first time. They were the same age: forty-one. Matthiessen lived in New York City, while Chavez lived in the Central Valley farm town of Delano, where the grape strike was unfolding. This book is Matthiessen's panoramic yet finely detailed account of the three years he spent working and traveling with Chavez, including to Sal Si Puedes, the San Jose barrio where Chavez began his organizing. Matthiessen provides a candid look into the many sides of this enigmatic and charismatic leader who lived by the laws of nonviolence.
Sal Si Puedes is less reportage than living history. In its pages a whole era comes alive: the Chicano, Black Power, and antiwar movements; the browning of the labor movement; Chavez's fasts; the nationwide boycott of California grapes. When Chavez died in 1993, tens of thousands gathered at his funeral. It was a clear sign of how beloved he was and how important his life had been.
A new foreword by Marc Grossman considers the significance of Chavez's legacy for our time. As well as serving as an indispensable guide to the 1960s, this book rejuvenates the extraordinary vitality of Chavez's life and spirit, giving his message a renewed and much-needed urgency.

In a fresh and timely reinterpretation, Nelson Lichtenstein examines how trade unionism has waxed and waned in the nation's political and moral imagination, among both devoted partisans and intransigent foes. From the steel foundry to the burger-grill, from Woodrow Wilson to John Sweeney, from Homestead to Pittston, Lichtenstein weaves together a compelling matrix of ideas, stories, strikes, laws, and people in a streamlined narrative of work and labor in the twentieth century.

The "labor question" became a burning issue during the Progressive Era because its solution seemed essential to the survival of American democracy itself. Beginning there, Lichtenstein takes us all the way to the organizing fever of contemporary Los Angeles, where the labor movement stands at the center of the effort to transform millions of new immigrants into alert citizen unionists. He offers an expansive survey of labor's upsurge during the 1930s, when the New Deal put a white, male version of industrial democracy at the heart of U.S. political culture. He debunks the myth of a postwar "management-labor accord" by showing that there was (at most) a limited, unstable truce.

Lichtenstein argues that the ideas that had once sustained solidarity and citizenship in the world of work underwent a radical transformation when the rights-centered social movements of the 1960s and 1970s captured the nation's moral imagination. The labor movement was therefore tragically unprepared for the years of Reagan and Clinton: although technological change and a new era of global economics battered the unions, their real failure was one of ideas and political will. Throughout, Lichtenstein argues that labor's most important function, in theory if not always in practice, has been the vitalization of a democratic ethos, at work and in the larger society. To the extent that the unions fuse their purpose with that impulse, they can once again become central to the fate of the republic. "State of the Union" is an incisive history that tells the story of one of America's defining aspirations.

This edition includes a new preface in which Lichtenstein engages with many of those who have offered commentary on "State of the Union" and evaluates the historical literature that has emerged in the decade since the book's initial publication. He also brings his narrative into the current moment with a final chapter, "Obama's America: Liberalism without Unions."

The collapse of Britain's powerful labor movement in the last quarter century has been one of the most significant and astonishing stories in recent political history. How were the governments of Margaret Thatcher and her successors able to tame the unions?

In analyzing how an entirely new industrial relations system was constructed after 1979, Howell offers a revisionist history of British trade unionism in the twentieth century. Most scholars regard Britain's industrial relations institutions as the product of a largely laissez faire system of labor relations, punctuated by occasional government interference. Howell, on the other hand, argues that the British state was the prime architect of three distinct systems of industrial relations established in the course of the twentieth century. The book contends that governments used a combination of administrative and judicial action, legislation, and a narrative of crisis to construct new forms of labor relations.

Understanding the demise of the unions requires a reinterpretation of how these earlier systems were constructed, and the role of the British government in that process. Meticulously researched, "Trade Unions and the State" not only sheds new light on one of Thatcher's most significant achievements but also tells us a great deal about the role of the state in industrial relations.

8th printing fall '98. Early trade unions and labor parties; The 10-hour movement; Northern labor and slavery; Labor and the Civil War; Rise of the Knights of Labor; Depression 1873-78 and strikes; Labor political action, more.

With the decline of the labor movement in the United States over the past four decades, unions are facing the future with unresolved concerns over free trade agreements, dwindling memberships, and their own leverage with industry and government. Which Direction for Organized Labor? addresses critical questions facing the U.S. labor movement as it approaches the 21st century. It analyzes the overall state of organized labor and examines the direction it should take in rebuilding its strength and influence.

The editor has arranged this collection around the themes of organizing, reaching out, and self-transformation, and he presents essays that demonstrate the interconnection of these concepts. The initial selections examine prospects for growth by addressing the priority of the AFL-CIO to "organize the unorganized". These essays consider the current environment for organizing, examine present efforts, and propose major departures from past practices.

A second group of essays assesses labor's prospects for establishing supportive alliances with religious, community, and international organizations, arriving at some provocative conclusions that indicate the real source of external power for unions today. The final section examines the internal transformations that are needed if the labor movement is to successfully confront its challenges, evaluating past union modes of operation, present attempts to change, and lessons for the future.

Using a comprehensive analysis of the wave of organizing that swept the country starting in 2007, Labor in Israel investigates the changing political status of organized labor in the context of changes to Israel's political economy, including liberalization, the rise of non-union labor organizations, the influx of migrant labor, and Israel's complex relations with the Palestinians. Through his discussion of organized labor's relationship to the political community and its nationalist political role, Preminger demonstrates that organized labor has lost the powerful status it enjoyed for much of Israel's history. Despite the weakening of trade unions and the Histadrut, however, he shows the ways in which the fragmentation of labor representation has created opportunities for those previously excluded from the labor movement regime. Organized labor is now trying to renegotiate its place in contemporary Israel, a society that no longer accepts labor's longstanding claim to be the representative of the people. As such, Preminger concludes that organized labor in Israel is in a transitional and unsettled phase in which new marginal initiatives, new organizations, and new alliances that have blurred the boundaries of the sphere of labor have not yet consolidated into clear structures of representation or accepted patterns of political interaction.