Just as the ride of mechanized textile production marked the beginning of the Industrial Revolution in the United States, its demise signaled the onset of deindustrialization. Once considered an aberration in an otherwise unblemished record of economic progress, the decline of New England's textile industry in the decade following World War II has been mirrored throughout other industries in the nation's heartland. In this book, William F. Hartford examines that process from the perspective of union leaders who sought to save the textile industry while at the same time trying to improve conditions of work. He draws on the experiences of workers across New England but focuses on developments in three cities: Fall River, New Bedford, and Lawrence. Challenging the view of deindustrialization as an inevitable process of decline, Hartford shows how textile unionists attempted to establish a bargaining structure that balanced wages, workloads, and investment. He explores as well the divisions among both manufacturers and rank-and-filers that complicated these efforts. Where Is Our Responsibility? offers an informative case study of the postwar shift of the U.S. economy and provides a broader historical view of current union struggles to preserve the nation's manufacturing base.

"Griswold del Castillo and Garcia have written a biography of Chavez, but it is also a history of the Mexican American labor movement and the Mexican American struggle for civil rights.... T]his is a fine book."--- Choice " D]eserves to be read not only by persons studying the Mexican American experience but also by those interested in labor studies, U.S.-Mexican relations, and U.S. civilization in the 1960s and 1970s, including politics and society."--- Western Historical Quarterly "Intended for scholars and general readers alike, the fascinating life story reads like a novel.... T]his sorely needed biography updates all the others."--- Multicultural Review When farm worker and labor organizer Cesar Chavez burst upon America's national scene in 1965, U.S. readers and viewers were witnessing the emergence of a new Mexican American, or Chicano, movement. This biography of Chavez by Richard Griswold del Castillo and Richard A. Garcia is the first to approach Chavez's life-his courageous acts, his turning points, his many perceived personas-in the context of Chicano and American history. It reveals a shy, quiet man who was launched by events into a maelstrom of campesino strikes, religious fervor, and nonviolent battles for justice. Among his friends and supporters he counted Martin Luther King Jr., Robert Kennedy, Jimmy Carter, and millions across America who rallied to his cause. In Griswold del Castillo and Garcia's biography, Chavez's life mirrors major events in Mexican American history: Mexican immigration during the 1920s; forced repatriation in the 1930s; segregation in public schools; Mexican American contributions during World War II; the Zoot Suit Riots in Los Angeles; formation of Mexican American organizations to advance civil and political rights; the Chicano movement of the 1960s and early 1970s; the emergence of a conservative political backlash in the 1980s; and, finally, the "new immigration" in the 1990s. Cesar Chavez was touched by all these events, and his story is both private and part of a collective experience. Ultimately the authors see Chavez's significance as moral. In an age notable for its confusion about-if not lack of moral values, Cesar Chavez stands as proof that America still has people of rare courage and conviction who devote their lives to a righteous cause, to self sacrifice and nonviolent struggle against overwhelming odds. Chavez consistently respected all ethnic and religious groups, rejected materialism, and, above all, fought for justice. Griswold del Castillo and Garcia's biography tells the inspiring story of a man who lived a simple life and preached a simple guiding dictum: Si Se Puede-Yes, it can be done. Richard Griswold del Castillo was born and raised in Santa Ana California; his father was born in Minneapolis Minnesota and his mother was born in Mexico City, Mexico. He graduated from Santa Ana High school in 1960, went on study at UC Berkeley and the University of Dijon, France before receiving his B.A., M.A., and Ph.D. from UCLA . In 1992 he was a Fulbright Scholar in Mexico City, he was a visiting professor at UC Berkeley in 1994, and he became Professor Emeritus at San Diego State University in 2005. Richard A. Garcia, Professor of Ethnic Studies at California State University-Hayward, is the author of The Rise of the Mexican American Middle Class: San Antonio, 1929-1941.

This innovative text aims to provide a comprehensive overview and comparative analysis of European labour movements from 1900 to 1990. The authors examine the links between workers and organized labour in seven European countries - Britain, Germany, France, Spain, Italy, Sweden and The Netherlands - and focus on areas such as the role of the state, labour markets, and occupation and class.
Previous works have analysed more limited periods and this has resulted in a compartmentalised approach to the subject. The broad timeframe adopted by the distinguished contributors will provide readers with fresh insights and will prompt a re-examination of currently accepted frameworks.
A welcome companion to Dick Geary's ‘Labour and Socialist Movements in Europe before 1914’, this book will be widely used by students and scholars of modern European History and Politics.

In August 1914 the German labour movement did not oppose the decision to go to war, and workers responded with as much enthusiasm as other social strata: one of the most powerful labour movements in the world failed to live up to the ideal of class solidarity. The movement's relations with foreign workers, particularly Polish coal miners, in the Ruhr in the decades before the war foreshadowed this failure. The rural origins of the Polish migrants and their traditional Catholic religious beliefs led most observers, including their fellow workers as well as recent historians, to view them as obstacles to the labour movement and resistant to working-class consciousness. This study, based on extensive research in archives in Germany and Poland, documents a very different history - one in which Polish miners' militancy exceeded that of native miners, and whose relations with German workers were marked by both xenophobia and solidarity.

After reviewing the rise and decline of the UK system of industry wide collective bargaining, the authors use five detailed case studies to examine the process of decentralising bargaining from industry to single employer level. In each industry management's reasons for withdrawal, the union response, details of the new structures and the experience of operation of the new system are analysed. Finally, the five industries are compared and contrasted and lessons for employers and unions in other industries are drawn.

A review of the way in which the Thatcher government dealt with employment reforms between 1980 and 1990. Included in the book are chapters on trade union democracy and the role of the TUC, deregulation of the labour market and an examination of how a Labour government would tackle these issues.

This book analyzes how a sizable group of Gennan workers came to support Communism and how they in turn influenced the emergence and development of the German Communist Party (KPD) in its fonnative period as a mass party. It reconstructs the interaction between a party and the constituency to which it appealed within the constraints and opportunities set by social structures, econo mic conditions, and political competitors. This interaction revolved around the elaboration and implementation of a specific concept of revolutionary politics, and this study investigates both the rise of the KPD as a mass party and its failure to set off a socialist revolution in the early 1920s in light of the contradictory ways German workers responded to its revolutionary strategy. When I began to study the KPD in the mid 1970s, scholarly works in the West portrayed a party so out of touch with the realities of German life from 1918 to 1933 that its history was a litany of political mistakes that led from crisis to catastrophe. The KPD was dominated by the foreign policy interests of the Soviet Union, by factional disputes and personal rivalries among the leadership, by an authoritarian, centralized party structure that stifled rank-and-file initiative and imposed a party line determined in Moscow and Berlin, and by a rigid ideology largely irrelevant to trends in German economy, society, and politics with at best compensatory value for a minority of the most impoverished workers."

The current debate about industrial relations cannot be understood without a knowledge of trade-union history. Dr Pelling's book, which has for several years been a standard work on the subject, has again been revised and updated to take account of recent research and to explain the course of events up to the Thatcher years, the miner's strike and the Employment Acts. The growth of white-collar unionism and the extension of women's rights are dealt with in the concluding chapters.

Trade Union Functions and Services: An instructional aid for worker students This guide, aimed at trade union educators, is about the teaching of collective bargaining. From the methods and techniques described, the trainer can put together a tailor-made course and construct his or her own training modules. Suggested case exercises are also provided.

This is the first comparative study of the background, development, laws, structure, and impact of teacher unionism in nations around the world. This ground-breaking analysis offers an international perspective on the world's most populous profession--teaching--and its halting but powerful efforts to form unions, to engage in collective bargaining, and to win a decent living for its millions of members. Teachers, union leaders, policymakers, and all who are interested in the issues surrounding education as a profession, the operation of schools, the role of government in education, and the complexities of labor relations in education should make this book must reading. An introduction provides an overview of labor relations in education world-wide, and then separate chapters by experts on education and labor relations in fifteen different countries analyze current policies and problems in places as diverse as China, Greece, Hungary, Mexico, New Zealand, Sweden, Great Britain, and the United States. Specific country studies and the overall conclusion at the end of the book point to past trends and future possible reforms. This unique study emphasizes the importance of unions in national affairs and describes the relationships between governments and the labor movement. A bibliographic essay completes the work.

This book describes the origins and birth of Solidarity in 1980, its rebirth in 1989, and the formation of a Solidarity government. This second edition is now enlarged to include fresh documentation of the 1980 strike, a further mmoire on the experts' role 'behind the scenes', and an entirely new chapter 'From Gdansk to Government'. Taken together, the analysis and documentation provide a permanent record of Eastern Europe's first breakthrough into post-communism.

The past decade has seen renewed devotion on the part of many unions to the organizing process. Yet management opposition has been equally intense. This book explores the nature of the strategies pursued by unions and management during both new organizing drives and employer ""deunionization"" efforts. The elements of well-designed strategies are described within a framework developed by the author. The book addresses a number of issues, including the manner in which employers and unions formulate strategies, the specific tactics utilized by both sides, and the impact of strategies and tactics on union organizing effectiveness. The study relies both on published research and data assembled by the author. Significant features of the book are its thorough analysis of a variety of nonconventional union organizing tactics (eg. ""blitz"" campaigns, associate membership programmes, corporate campaigns, in-plant strategies, internal organizing); an in-depth examination of the role of labour relations consultants in organizing drives and deunionization efforts; and assessment of the ways in which internal politics inhibit many unions and the ways in which tactics are linked together in a variety of settings. The book provides a comprehensive and wide-ranging treatment of what is known about why and how unions and management act during unionization and deunionization efforts. It should be useful to practitioners and researchers alike.

(Trade Union Educational League) to the end of the Gompers era. Strikes in N.E. textile, San Pedro IWW strike; Women workers; The TUEL formed; RR struggles, Machinists and Carpenters, Miners, Fur Workers, ILGWU, Amalgamated Clothing and Millinery workers; Labor and the Soviet Union; Independent political action; End of Gompers Era of AFL.

The issue of trade union democracy has been the subject of considerable controversy in recent years. The government has pursued a policy designed in part to 'give unions back to their members' and the decline in the numbers of employees joining unions raises the question of whether trade unionism is losing its relevance. This book presents research papers which deal with these issues and reveals how the unions are adopting to legislative and other changes as they enter the 1990s.

Dilemmas of Internationalism focuses on the French labour movement as it deals with the French syndicalists' attitude towards internationalism and anti-militarism in the pre-1914 period.

Closing Sysco presents a history of deindustrialization and working-class resistance in the Cape Breton steel industry between 1945 and 2001. The Sydney Steel Works is at the heart of this story, having existed in tandem with Cape Breton's larger coal operations since the early twentieth century. The book explores the multifaceted nature of deindustrialization; the internal politics of the steelworkers' union; the successful efforts to nationalize the mill in 1967; the years in transition under public ownership; and the confrontations over health, safety, and environmental degradation in the 1990s and 2000s. Closing Sysco moves beyond the moment of closure to trace the cultural, historical, and political ramifications of deindustrialization that continue to play out in post-industrial Cape Breton Island. A significant intervention into the international literature on deindustrialization, this study pushes scholarship beyond the bounds of political economy and cultural change to begin tackling issues of bodily health, environment, and historical memory in post-industrial places. The experiences of the men and women who were displaced by the decline and closure of Sydney Steel are central to this book. Featuring interviews with former steelworkers, office employees, managers, politicians, and community activists, these one-on-one conversations reveal both the human cost of industrial closure and the lingering after-effects of deindustrialization.

Rarely are the off-screen lives of actors examined for evidence of deep thinking or good citizenship. Still more rarely do the internal workings of labor unions attract public scrutiny. Nevertheless, as David Prindle shows in his examination of democracy in the Screen Actors Guild, this actors' union has for over 50 years been an arena for idealistic, yet intense and hardboiled political maneuvering.
In "The Politics of Glamour," readers become aware of the seriousness and political commitment displayed by people whom the general public has generally admired more for their artistic skills. After reading this account of politics among America's screen royalty, no one could wonder about where Ronald Reagan, a former SAG president, received his political training.
Besides analyzing the politics of SAG, however, the author follows a good story wherever it leads. The reader can expect to learn something about the political economy of Hollywood and the American labor movement, the value of celebrity within the acting community, the impact of technological change, and even a bit of gossip.

An overview of recent research on labour and socialist movements before the First World War, focusing on six major countries: Spain, Italy, France, Germany, Britain and Russia. Each chapter deals not only with pre-1914 labour movements but also with the everyday life experiences of the industrial working class. The collection combines traditional labour history with an evaluation of the rich literature on 'people's history' which has grown up in recent years.

Labor and the Red Scare; Seattle and Winnipeg general strikes; Boston telephone and police strikes; Streetcar strikes in Chicago, Denver, Knoxville, Kansas City; strikes in clothing, textile, coal and steel; The open-shop drive; Strikes and Black-white relationships; the AFL and the Black worker; the IWW; Communist Party founded; Political action 1918-1920.

Respecting both the history a labor theories and the variety of theoretical points of view concerning the labor movement, this collection of readings includes selections by Karl Marx, V. I. Lenin, William Haywood, Georges Sorel, Stanley Aronowitz, John R. Commons, Sidney and Beatrice Webb, Thorstein Veblen, Henry Simons, and John Kenneth Galbraith, among others. Intending this as a text for classroom use, Larson and Nissen have arranged the readings according to the social role assigned to the labor movement by each theory. The text's major divisions consider the labor movement as an agent of revolution, as a business institution, as an agent of industrial reform, as a psychological reaction to industrialism, as a moral force, as a destructive monopoly, and as a subordinate mechanism in pluralist industrial society. Such groupings allow for ready comparison of divergent views of the origins, development, and future of the labor movement.

A major, landmark study that is a significant addition to modern labor history.

John Dunlop is one of the world's outstanding figures in the theory and practice of industrial relations. In this book he advocates a better means to resolve disputes. He stresses that each side must work out its own internal accommodation as a necessary prerequisite to across-the-table resolution.

As well as Jean-Claude Parrot's story, this is also the story of the formation of a union. It is a story of how union democracy was built - of how the grassroots union membership became an integral part of decision making in the union. In the pages of this book you will follow the life of one of Canada's greatest union leaders as he fought to give the workers a voice. In the course of the struggle, Parrot often put his union work and commitments before his own personal life and spent time in prison rather than sacrifice his principles and the cause of the workers in the union. Through Parrot's recounting of these years we learn about how the struggle was waged, how democracy was built and how a union leadership worked tirelessly in the service of the union membership.