Making, amending, and interpreting constitutions is a political
game that can yield widespread suffering or secure a nation's
liberty and prosperity. Given these high stakes, Robert Cooter
argues that constitutional theory should trouble itself less with
literary analysis and arguments over founders' intentions and focus
much more on the real-world consequences of various constitutional
provisions and choices. Pooling the best available theories from
economics and political science, particularly those developed from
game theory, Cooter's economic analysis of constitutions
fundamentally recasts a field of growing interest and dramatic
international importance.
By uncovering the constitutional incentives that influence
citizens, politicians, administrators, and judges, Cooter exposes
fault lines in alternative forms of democracy: unitary versus
federal states, deep administration versus many elections,
parliamentary versus presidential systems, unicameral versus
bicameral legislatures, common versus civil law, and liberty versus
equality rights. Cooter applies an efficiency test to these
alternatives, asking how far they satisfy the preferences of
citizens for laws and public goods.
To answer Cooter contrasts two types of democracy, which he
defines as competitive government. The center of the political
spectrum defeats the extremes in "median democracy," whereas
representatives of all the citizens bargain over laws and public
goods in "bargain democracy." Bargaining can realize all the gains
from political trades, or bargaining can collapse into an unstable
contest of redistribution. States plagued by instability and
contests over redistribution should move towards median democracy
by increasing transaction costs and reducing the power of the
extremes. Specifically, promoting median versus bargain democracy
involves promoting winner-take-all elections versus proportional
representation, two parties versus multiple parties, referenda
versus representative democracy, and special governments versus
comprehensive governments.
This innovative theory will have ramifications felt across
national and disciplinary borders, and will be debated by a large
audience, including the growing pool of economists interested in
how law and politics shape economic policy, political scientists
using game theory or specializing in constitutional law, and
academic lawyers. The approach will also garner attention from
students of political science, law, and economics, as well as
policy makers working in and with new democracies where
constitutions are being written and refined.
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