We are blessed to be citizens of a country enjoying record
prosperity, with no deep divisions at home, no overriding external
threats abroad, and history's most powerful military ready to
defend our interests around the world. Americans of earlier eras
may have hoped one day to live in a nation that could claim just
one of these blessings. Probably few expected to experience them
all; fewer still all at once. Our success is cause for pride in
what we've done, and gratitude for what we have inherited. The most
important matter is what we now make of this moment. Some may be
tempted to believe that open markets and societies will inevitably
spread in an era of expanding global trade and communications, or
assume that our wealth and power alone will protect us from the
troubles of the outside world. That approach falls for the old myth
of an "outside" world, and ignores the defining features of our
age: the rise of interdependence. More than ever, prosperity and
security in America depend on prosperity and security around the
globe. In this age, America can advance its interests and ideals
only by leading efforts to meet common challenges. We must deploy
America's financial, diplomatic and military resources to stand up
for peace and security, promote global prosperity, and advance
democracy and human rights around the world. This demands
strengthening our alliances with Europe and Asia, and adapting them
to meet emerging challenges. Our alliances in Europe and Asia are
stronger because they are organized to advance a permanent set of
shared interests, rather than to defeat a single threat. We must
continue working with our allies towards a peaceful, democratic,
undivided Europe, with NATO as a deterrent to new conflict and a
magnet for new democracies. In Asia, we must build on strategic
alliance with Japan to define new approaches to post-Cold War
threats. And, we must enhance cooperation with South Korea as we
encourage North Korea's emergence from isolation and continue to
diminish the missile threat. Just as we strengthen our alliances,
we must build principled, constructive, clear-eyed relations with
our former adversaries Russia and China. We must be mindful of
threats to peace while also maximizing chances that both Russia and
China move toward greater internal openness, stability and
prosperity, seizing on the desire of both countries to participate
in the global economy and global institutions, insisting that both
accept the obligations as well as the benefits of integration. With
Russia, that means continuing our work to reduce the nuclear
danger, to assure strategic stability, and to define its future
role in Europe, while supporting the emergence of democratic
institutions and the rule of law. With China, that means continuing
to press for adherence to nonproliferation standards and peaceful
dialogue with Taiwan, while holding Chinese leaders to the
conditions of entry into the WTO, which offer the best hope of
internal reform. To protect the peace and promote security, we must
work to resolve conflicts before they escalate and harm vital U.S.
interests. We also must identify and address new national security
challenges, accentuated by new technology and open borders. We have
identified a new security agenda that addresses contemporary
threats such as the proliferation of nuclear, chemical and
biological weapons, terrorism, and international crime. New efforts
must continue to build on initiatives such as the extension of the
Nonproliferation Treaty, the containment of nations seeking to
acquire and use weapons of mass destruction, increased
antiterrorism cooperation, stepped up efforts to combat trafficking
in drugs, arms, and human- beings, and our first-ever national
strategy for cybersecurity. Finally, there can be no security where
there is no hope of prosperity. We must continue to promote the
spread of global markets in ways that advance economic growth,
honor our values, and help alleviate economic disparity.
General
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