One important area of interest within military and policy circles focuses on an effort to revitalize the nuclear triad amidst a number of competing strategic interests. The difficulties arising from US engagement in Iraq and Afghanistan are leading many scholars and policy makers to question whether a reinvigorated nuclear triad has any role in deterring modern adversaries. This volume takes an unashamed pro-nuclear modernization position and argues for designing and fielding new nuclear warheads and delivery systems (submarine, ICBM, and bomber) while also arguing against signing the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty or agreeing to further reductions in the nuclear arsenal. It also argues that nuclear deterrence remains as relevant today, perhaps more, than it was during the Cold War. With so many authors advocating for "Global Zero" and highlighting perceived dangers from a nuclear arsenal, this work stands in stark contrast to the chorus of anti-arsenal works. Because of the work's structure and effort to answer questions of current relevance, it should appeal to a broad audience including: service staffs, PME students, COCOM staffs, Pentagon personnel, Capitol Hill staffers, policy makers, academics, graduate students, and interested readers.

Conflict and Cooperation in Cyberspace: The Challenge to National Security brings together some of the world's most distinguished military leaders, scholars, cyber operators, and policymakers in a discussion of current and future challenges that cyberspace poses to the United States and the world. Maintaining a focus on policy-relevant solutions, it offers a well-reasoned study of how to prepare for war, while attempting to keep the peace in the cyberspace domain. The discussion begins with thoughtful contributions concerning the attributes and importance of cyberspace to the American way of life and global prosperity. Examining the truths and myths behind recent headline-grabbing malicious cyber activity, the book spells out the challenges involved with establishing a robust system of monitoring, controls, and sanctions to ensure cooperation amongst all stakeholders. The desire is to create a domain that functions as a trusted and resilient environment that fosters cooperation, collaboration, and commerce. Additionally, the book: Delves into the intricacies and considerations cyber strategists must contemplate before engaging in cyber war Offers a framework for determining the best ways to engage other nations in promoting global norms of behavior Illustrates technologies that can enable cyber arms control agreements Dispels myths surrounding Stuxnet and industrial control systems General Michael V. Hayden, former director of the National Security Agency and the Central Intelligence Agency, begins by explaining why the policymakers, particularly those working on cyber issues, must come to understand the policy implications of a dynamic domain. Expert contributors from the Air Force Research Institute, MIT, the Rand Corporation, Naval Postgraduate School, NSA, USAF, USMC, and others examine the challenges involved with ensuring improved cyber security. Outlining the larger ethical, legal, and policy challenges facing government, the private sector, civil society, and individual users, the book offers plausible solutions on how to create an environment where there is confidence in the ability to assure national security, conduct military operations, and ensure a vibrant and stable global economy.

When Secretary of State Hillary Clinton published "America's Pacific Century" in Foreign Policy magazine in November 2011, the administration was clearly indicating to domestic and international audiences that the United States is beginning a pivot toward the Asia-Pacific. Clinton's article served as a spark for renewed interest in the nation's Asia-Pacific strategy and American interests in the region. The Asia-Pacific Century: Challenges and Opportunities looks to the future of the Asia-Pacific and examines a broad range of questions that focus on diplomatic, economic, and military challenges facing the region's key players, with a particular focus on their relevance to the US military.

When Secretary of State Hillary Clinton published "America's Pacific Century" in Foreign Policy magazine in November 2011, the administration was clearly indicating to domestic and international audiences that the United States is beginning a pivot toward the Asia-Pacific. Clinton's article served as a spark for renewed interest in the nation's Asia-Pacific strategy and American interests in the region. The Asia-Pacific Century: Challenges and Opportunities looks to the future of the Asia-Pacific and examines a broad range of questions that focus on diplomatic, economic, and military challenges facing the region's key players, with a particular focus on their relevance to the US military.

One important area of interest within military and policy circles focuses on an effort to revitalize the nuclear triad amidst a number of competing strategic interests. The difficulties arising from US engagement in Iraq and Afghanistan are leading many scholars and policy makers to question whether a reinvigorated nuclear triad has any role in deterring modern adversaries. This volume takes an unashamed pro-nuclear modernization position and argues for designing and fielding new nuclear warheads and delivery systems (submarine, ICBM, and bomber) while also arguing against signing the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty or agreeing to further reductions in the nuclear arsenal. It also argues that nuclear deterrence remains as relevant today, perhaps more, than it was during the Cold War. With so many authors advocating for "Global Zero" and highlighting perceived dangers from a nuclear arsenal, this work stands in stark contrast to the chorus of anti-arsenal works. Because of the work's structure and effort to answer questions of current relevance, it should appeal to a broad audience including: service staffs, PME students, COCOM staffs, Pentagon personnel, Capitol Hill staffers, policy makers, academics, graduate students, and interested readers.

Despite the growth of interest in the study of terrorism since 9/11, terrorism analysts rarely take a multidisciplinary approach to the subject. This leaves a number of terrorisM's characteristics to be explored in new and unique ways. "TerrorisM's Unanswered Questions" brings together scholars from the fields of criminology, international relations, law, political science, security studies, and sociology to answer several important questions where consensus has yet to be reached. Each chapter offers a new approach to the question asked that is both unique and challenges popular thought. The result is an original work appealing to a broad audience of scholars and students who desire to develop a better understanding of terrorisM's characteristics.

In the wake of the September 11, 2001, attacks on the United States terrorism became a topic for the masses to explore, rather than the hidden purview of analysts and scholars tucked away at the CIA or in the ivory tower. Now, more than five years later, there remains much to be discovered about terrorism and its causes. This volume takes a look at some of terrorisM's unanswered questions. How do we define terrorism? What threat does the United States face from weapons of mass destruction? Why has international law failed to stop terrorism? These are but three of the questions addressed in this volume. While the editors do not claim to have all of the answers, they do promise a view of terrorism not seen before.

As the War in Iraq continues to rage, many in the White House, State Department, Department of Defense, and outside government are left to wonder if it was possible to foresee the difficulty the United States is currently having with Sunni nationalists and Islamic extremists. Recent American military experience offers significant insight into this question. With the fog of the Cold War finally lifting and clarity returning to the nature of conflict, the dominance of asymmetry in the military experience of the United States is all too evident. Lebanon (1982-1984), Somalia (1992-1994), and Afghanistan (2001-2004) offer recent and relevant insight into successes and failures of American attempts to fight adversaries utilizing asymmetric conflict to combat the United States when it intervened in these three states. The results illustrate the difficulty of engaging adversaries unwilling to wage a conventional war and the need for improved strategic and tactical doctrine. "It is easy," Lowther writes, "for Americans to forget the lessons of past conflicts as the politics of the present dominate...." His purpose here is to highlight some of history's recent lessons so that we may move forward with an awareness of what experience offers.