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The essays in this volume aim to explain the evolution and
persistence of various practices of indirect labour recruitment.
Labour intermediation is understood as a global phenomenon, present
for many centuries in most countries of the world and taking on a
wide range of forms: varying from outright trafficking to job
placement in the context of national employment policies. The
contributions cover a broad geographical scope, including case
studies from Africa, Latin America, Southeast Asia and Europe. By
focusing on the actual practices of different types of labour
mediators in various regions of the world during the nineteenth and
twentieth centuries, and by highlighting both the national as well
as the international and translocal contexts of these practices,
this volume intends to further a historically informed global
perspective on the subject.
The book uses the Factory Acts of the late nineteenth century as an
entry point into the early history of labour relations in India,
specifically the mill industry of Bombay. It unites legal and
social history in a manner which differs from most social histories
of labour, and offers a new perspective on the constitution of
industrial relations in colonial India. The Factory Act passed by
the Government of British India in 1881 produced the first official
definition of 'factories' in modern Indian history as workplaces
using steam power and regularly employing over 100 workers. It
imposed certain minimal restrictions upon the freedom of employers
in a limited range of industrial workplaces and invested factory
workers, most explicitly children, with a slim set of immunities
and entitlements. In 1891, the Factory Act was amended: factories
were redefined as workplaces employing over 50 workers, the upper
age limit of legal 'protection' was raised, weekly holidays were
established, and women mill-workers were brought within its ambit.
In its own time, factory law was experienced as a minor official
initiative, but it connected with some of the most potent
ideological debates and political oppositions of the age. This book
takes these two pieces of labour legislation as an entry point into
the history of 'industrial relations' (the term did not yet exist
in its present sense) in colonial India, in the last quarter of the
nineteenth century combining the legal and social history which
diverges from most studies of Indian workers. It identifies an
emergent 'factory question' built on the problem of protective
labour legislation. The cotton-mill industry of Bombay, long
familiar to labour historians as one of the nodal points of modern
Indian capitalism, is the principal focal point of this
investigation. While this is a book about law and regulation, it is
neither a legislative nor a policy history. While it is preoccupied
with the history of factory legislation, it does not offer a full
narrative that takes this as its 'object'. And while the book
focuses on Bombay's cotton mills, it contains significant
departures both from the city and its major industry. A number of
questions which have only rarely been thematized by labour
historians-the ideologies of factory reform, the politics of
factory commissions, the routines of factory inspection, and the
earliest waves of strike action in the cotton textile industry-are
raised in this book.
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