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This book is an in-depth analysis of the classic works of leading
theorists in the realist school of international relations. It
criticizes the works of Carr, Morgenthau and Waltz, and their
contributions to the continuous building and rebuilding of realism.
It highlights their problematic assumptions, internal
inconsistencies and failures to address important aspects of
international relations. It also criticizes later realist attempts
to fix serious problems of Waltz's theory in order to save the
realist paradigm in international relations. Criticisms are based
on a constructivist point of view The first argument is that at
least some constructivist theories are compatible with realism in
spite of a general lack of recognition of this compatibility in the
international relations literature. The second argument is that
constructivism is embedded in realism. The realist paradigm was
founded and developed in part on ideational concepts later claimed
by social constructivists. The third argument is that realism also
has something to offer constructivism, especially the potential of
solving serious constructivist puzzles, notably the insufficiency
of the logic of appropriateness.
Realism and constructivism are international relations paradigms
that define different necessary conditions for international
organizations to act. While realists argue that international
organization actions are mere reflections of the imperatives of
global and regional balances of power, constructivists contend that
these actions reflect not only power politics but norms and
identity politics as well. Non-state-centric constructivists
further argue that international organizations act as consensual
communities and bureaucracies. I develop a set of four realist and
four non-state-centric constructivist hypotheses as applied to
international organizations, and test them in the collective
security actions of the Arab League, using the Arab League's
responses to the Iraq-Kuwait crises in 1961 and 1990 as case
studies, and examining, among other sources, Arab League documents
previously used by very few researchers. The results should
interest students of international relations theories and
organizations, Middle East and inter-Arab politics; and foreign
policy makers and international organizations bureaucrats,
especially those interested in inter-Arab politics and the Arab
League.
U.S.-Africa Relations: From Clinton to Obama is an examination and
analysis of U.S.-Africa relations during the Clinton, George W.
Bush, and Obama administrations. It covers the entire continent
with an inclusion of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC),
Nigeria, South Africa, Ethiopia, Egypt, Libya, Tunisia, Uganda, and
Rwanda. Some of the issues addressed in the analysis include the
militarization of Africa within the context of the war on terror
and the creation of the Africa Command; the Arab Spring and
questions concerning the U.S. role in Egypt, Tunisia, and Libya;
the Great Lakes region and the role or lack thereof of the United
States, beginning with a discussion of U.S. support for various
leaders from Mobutu (DRC) to Kabila (DRC) to Kagame (Rwanda), and
Museveni (Uganda) who did and do not act in accordance with the
U.S. policy of encouraging democracy. The role of Africans in
U.S.-Africa relations is examined in the book. For example, many
African leaders expressed their disapproval of the creation of the
Africa Command, and African leaders refused to have it housed on
their soil. The book discusses how African leaders and Africans can
work with the United States to encourage economic development by
establishing and upholding the rule of law, respecting human
rights, and creating and maintaining transparency in the government
and business activities. The role of African-descended people in
U.S.-Africa relations is also addressed in terms of African
American celebrities, scholars, and businesspeople. In sum, it
appears on the surface that the United States has become more
involved in African affairs due to new post-Cold War realities-it
is the only remaining superpower; the war on terror extends to
Africa; more Africans have migrated to the United States; and trade
relations have deepened due to the Africa Growth and Opportunity
Act and the need to import oil and gas from various African
countries. At the same time, the U.S. policy has not veered far
from national security interests and the promotion of democracy
regardless of who is in the White House.
U.S. Africa Relations: From Clinton to Obama is an examination and
analysis of U.S. Africa relations during the Clinton, George W.
Bush, and Obama administrations. It covers the entire continent
with an inclusion of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC),
Nigeria, South Africa, Ethiopia, Egypt, Libya, Tunisia, Uganda, and
Rwanda. Some of the issues addressed in the analysis include the
militarization of Africa within the context of the war on terror
and the creation of the Africa Command; the Arab Spring and
questions concerning the U.S. role in Egypt, Tunisia, and Libya;
the Great Lakes region and the role or lack thereof of the United
States, beginning with a discussion of U.S. support for various
leaders from Mobutu (DRC) to Kabila (DRC) to Kagame (Rwanda), and
Museveni (Uganda) who did and do not act in accordance with the
U.S. policy of encouraging democracy. The role of Africans in U.S.
Africa relations is examined in the book. For example, many African
leaders expressed their disapproval of the creation of the Africa
Command, and African leaders refused to have it housed on their
soil. The book discusses how African leaders and Africans can work
with the United States to encourage economic development by
establishing and upholding the rule of law, respecting human
rights, and creating and maintaining transparency in the government
and business activities. The role of African-descended people in
U.S. Africa relations is also addressed in terms of African
American celebrities, scholars, and businesspeople. In sum, it
appears on the surface that the United States has become more
involved in African affairs due to new post Cold War realities it
is the only remaining superpower; the war on terror extends to
Africa; more Africans have migrated to the United States; and trade
relations have deepened due to the Africa Growth and Opportunity
Act and the need to import oil and gas from various African
countries. At the same time, the U.S. policy has not veered far
from national security interests and the promotion of democracy
regardless of who is in the White House."
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