This book is an in-depth analysis of the classic works of leading theorists in the realist school of international relations. It criticizes the works of Carr, Morgenthau and Waltz, and their contributions to the continuous building and rebuilding of realism. It highlights their problematic assumptions, internal inconsistencies and failures to address important aspects of international relations. It also criticizes later realist attempts to fix serious problems of Waltz's theory in order to save the realist paradigm in international relations. Criticisms are based on a constructivist point of view The first argument is that at least some constructivist theories are compatible with realism in spite of a general lack of recognition of this compatibility in the international relations literature. The second argument is that constructivism is embedded in realism. The realist paradigm was founded and developed in part on ideational concepts later claimed by social constructivists. The third argument is that realism also has something to offer constructivism, especially the potential of solving serious constructivist puzzles, notably the insufficiency of the logic of appropriateness.

Realism and constructivism are international relations paradigms that define different necessary conditions for international organizations to act. While realists argue that international organization actions are mere reflections of the imperatives of global and regional balances of power, constructivists contend that these actions reflect not only power politics but norms and identity politics as well. Non-state-centric constructivists further argue that international organizations act as consensual communities and bureaucracies. I develop a set of four realist and four non-state-centric constructivist hypotheses as applied to international organizations, and test them in the collective security actions of the Arab League, using the Arab League's responses to the Iraq-Kuwait crises in 1961 and 1990 as case studies, and examining, among other sources, Arab League documents previously used by very few researchers. The results should interest students of international relations theories and organizations, Middle East and inter-Arab politics; and foreign policy makers and international organizations bureaucrats, especially those interested in inter-Arab politics and the Arab League.

U.S.-Africa Relations: From Clinton to Obama is an examination and analysis of U.S.-Africa relations during the Clinton, George W. Bush, and Obama administrations. It covers the entire continent with an inclusion of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), Nigeria, South Africa, Ethiopia, Egypt, Libya, Tunisia, Uganda, and Rwanda. Some of the issues addressed in the analysis include the militarization of Africa within the context of the war on terror and the creation of the Africa Command; the Arab Spring and questions concerning the U.S. role in Egypt, Tunisia, and Libya; the Great Lakes region and the role or lack thereof of the United States, beginning with a discussion of U.S. support for various leaders from Mobutu (DRC) to Kabila (DRC) to Kagame (Rwanda), and Museveni (Uganda) who did and do not act in accordance with the U.S. policy of encouraging democracy. The role of Africans in U.S.-Africa relations is examined in the book. For example, many African leaders expressed their disapproval of the creation of the Africa Command, and African leaders refused to have it housed on their soil. The book discusses how African leaders and Africans can work with the United States to encourage economic development by establishing and upholding the rule of law, respecting human rights, and creating and maintaining transparency in the government and business activities. The role of African-descended people in U.S.-Africa relations is also addressed in terms of African American celebrities, scholars, and businesspeople. In sum, it appears on the surface that the United States has become more involved in African affairs due to new post-Cold War realities-it is the only remaining superpower; the war on terror extends to Africa; more Africans have migrated to the United States; and trade relations have deepened due to the Africa Growth and Opportunity Act and the need to import oil and gas from various African countries. At the same time, the U.S. policy has not veered far from national security interests and the promotion of democracy regardless of who is in the White House.

U.S. Africa Relations: From Clinton to Obama is an examination and analysis of U.S. Africa relations during the Clinton, George W. Bush, and Obama administrations. It covers the entire continent with an inclusion of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), Nigeria, South Africa, Ethiopia, Egypt, Libya, Tunisia, Uganda, and Rwanda. Some of the issues addressed in the analysis include the militarization of Africa within the context of the war on terror and the creation of the Africa Command; the Arab Spring and questions concerning the U.S. role in Egypt, Tunisia, and Libya; the Great Lakes region and the role or lack thereof of the United States, beginning with a discussion of U.S. support for various leaders from Mobutu (DRC) to Kabila (DRC) to Kagame (Rwanda), and Museveni (Uganda) who did and do not act in accordance with the U.S. policy of encouraging democracy. The role of Africans in U.S. Africa relations is examined in the book. For example, many African leaders expressed their disapproval of the creation of the Africa Command, and African leaders refused to have it housed on their soil. The book discusses how African leaders and Africans can work with the United States to encourage economic development by establishing and upholding the rule of law, respecting human rights, and creating and maintaining transparency in the government and business activities. The role of African-descended people in U.S. Africa relations is also addressed in terms of African American celebrities, scholars, and businesspeople. In sum, it appears on the surface that the United States has become more involved in African affairs due to new post Cold War realities it is the only remaining superpower; the war on terror extends to Africa; more Africans have migrated to the United States; and trade relations have deepened due to the Africa Growth and Opportunity Act and the need to import oil and gas from various African countries. At the same time, the U.S. policy has not veered far from national security interests and the promotion of democracy regardless of who is in the White House."