This paper documents the result of a future technology forecast study to determine when operationally useful nano aerial vehicles or NAVs will be achieved. This was accomplished as part of the Blue Horizons Research Team tasked by the Chief of Staff of the United States Air Force to explore emerging technologies and make recommendations for long range investment. This study utilized a future forecasting method called the Delphi Method which was developed by the RAND Corporation in the 1960s to make the forecast. The results indicate NAVs capable of operating in swarms will be available within 10 years to perform operational missions. This paper recommends the Air Force begin work now to fully develop operational concepts and requirements for NAVs to guide future development work and enter the Joint Capabilities and Integration Development System to fully define capability requirements for swarming NAVs across the services to gain efficiencies in development and acquisition of these systems and to avoid duplicative requirements and programs.

Mitigating the tyranny, a moral responsibility" takes basis in Michael Walzer's description of "The Tyranny of War," where the political decision makers are the tyrants who send soldiers into the tyranny. When given the power to make such decisions, they also have a moral responsibility to mitigate the tyranny. The first part of the essay explains why the decision makers have this responsibility, by referring to Michael Walzer's Just War Theory and the threefold responsibility decision makers have in justifying their decisions towards the international community - jus ad bellum, in bello and post bellum. Decision makers should also have the same responsibility towards their soldiers who are the victims of their decisions. This Just War Theory is further used to underscore the complexity of the tyranny and to explain what the mitigation of this encompasses. Although the military itself has a responsibility to mitigate the tyranny, the decision makers' responsibility lies in their awareness of, interest in and focus on the military and the reality of the tyranny. Their role in the mitigation of the tyranny is also to ensure the nation's support and backing of their soldiers, their awareness and acknowledgement of the soldiers effort and struggles in the threefold tyranny. The second part of the essay discusses how the contemporary Norwegian decision makers have allowed this sense of responsibility to decline, thus not contributing to the mitigation of the tyranny. Even though Norway is a nation in "deep peace" after the end of the Cold War, the tyranny for the soldiers are still present through numerous force commitments in UN and NATO operations.

The intent of this paper is to provide a general framework to be used as a road map by the US to successfully navigate the hazardous divide between the Kurds and the Turks, and the various ethnic groups of northeastern Iraq thereby guaranteeing a stable northern Iraq.

Sports are a peaceful tool for international affairs that the United States can use to foster relations throughout the world. The US State Department has used sports to bridge opposing governments on the long road to formal diplomatic relations. The US State Department has recently put new emphasis into the program with significant results. Along the same lines, the US military has had athletic relations with various countries through the International Military Sports Council. The military, under direction of the US State Department have used sports to enhance relationships throughout the world. Historically, nations have used sports and their appeal as a method to further political agendas. The most notable application of politics through sports is the Olympic Games. Various nations have used the Olympics Games to further international politics throughout history and the Games will remain a major player in the future. Like any other diplomatic endeavor, there are always issues that could derail efforts. Issues such as drug abuse, cheating in sports, and violence associated with sports are major issues that can potentially undermine diplomacy efforts through sports.

The study seeks to gain a Combat Air Force (CAF) wide solution to reduce AWACS PERSTEMPO to a level commensurate with the AEF construct. The literature review will focus on the Air Expeditionary Force concept. Initially, we will explore the AEF Program Action Directive (PAD) to discern Low Density/High Demand capabilities as forwarded by the service. We will then investigate the Joint tasking process and seek a congruent tasking level between the service AEF goal of 90 days in 15 months and the Blackhawk shoot down mandate of 120 days. We will then take a historic view of E-3 PERSTEMPO rates in the 1990s and the success or failure of the joint tasking process to meet the 120 day goal.

"After the tests of 1998, India has merely moved sideways from existential to minimum deterrence. From the options available to it, India would in all probability opt for a nuclear posture in the form of a "force-in-being" which implies that India's nuclear capabilities will be strategically active, but operationally dormant. This would give her capability to execute retaliatory action within a matter of hours to a few weeks. India's draft Nuclear Doctrine is by no means the last word on the subject. India's nuclear doctrine and should be seen as an evolving system of beliefs that governs the rationale and use of nuclear weapons. India's declared policy on the use of nuclear weapons is one of "no first use" but an "assured and massive retaliation" in case of nuclear aggression on the part of its enemies. In keeping with this policy, avoiding the high costs of a ready arsenal and to reinforce its long tradition of strict civilian control over the military, India would try to acquire only a nominal deterrence capability against Pakistan and China. This "de-alerted" capability would be reflected in the form of completed nuclear weapons stored in a dissembled condition, i.e., warheads along with the sub-assemblies and delivery systems being kept at different locations separated by large geographical distances."--Abstract from web site.

The United States has increasing global concerns for failed states because they cause instability in the international arena and could become safe havens for terrorists. Somalia is a failed state today and has received little attention. As a failed state Somalia could become that safe haven for terrorists and their networks. This paper discusses the history of Somalia, the international intervention in the 1990s, lessons learned from those operations, and a recommendation for future intervention. This paper proposes the use of a provincial reconstruction team (PRT) headed by the African Union with the assistance of the United States and the United Nations to help Somalia get back on its feet and become a functioning state. PRT were used in Afghanistan with huge success. A PRT working with the AU will help strengthen the Somali central government and its fragile peace. It would deploy a peacekeeping force to aid in mediating and observing cease-fire agreements and conducting psychological operations, to assist with the unity and reconciliation between factions, and to aid the new government develop democratic values. It is time for the international community to take notice of Somalia before it's too late.

It is incumbent upon the state to gain support for national objectives. Employment of instruments of power is designed to influence other nations and organizations to respond favorably. Therefore, impacting the decision making process is the underlying principle for IOP power projection and highlights the psychological element. During a period of declining resources and increased world competition, the United States must find new ways to reach out and promote American interests. In order to maximize the impact and exploit the influence events create, joint planning and interagency coordination of psychological operations are critical. The current ad hoc interagency coordination and joint planning process do not maximize the psychological factors' impact and fully exploit its asymmetrical influence on a target audience's decision making process. Traditional views towards concepts, particularly military PSYOP, do not lead to the innovative solutions demanded by an environment of declining funds and resources. This study recognizes the multidimensional aspect of military PSYOP and calls for redefining an area of operations that has changed little over the years. Additionally, the establishment of an organization responsible for the development of a national marketing strategy integrating all IOPs to achieve objectives beyond the tactical level is advocated. Reviewing subject matter literature from the last forty years provided the project's basis for concepts relating to PSYOP and the Soviet missile gap deception case study. Internet searches, interviews, and recent literature brought current issues to light and developed a picture of U.S. organizations involved in influencing target audiences.

Effective response requires the performance of several basic functions: emergency command and control, notification and communication systems for responders and the public, emergency assessment, mitigation of hazardous conditions, and protective actions for emergency responders and the public.1 These words from the National Council on Radiation Protection and Measurements highlight the consequence management challenges responders face every day. The addition of radiological contamination from a Radiological Dispersion Device (RDD) significantly complicates these challenges and raises the stakes in terms of risk to emergency responders themselves and to the public at large. This paper will discuss and analyze these challenges and make recommendations for improving preparedness.

US leaders have identified irregular threats as a major challenge facing the United States over the next few decades. While other US military services are responding to these threats, the US Air Force is falling short in preparing for irregular warfare. Although the US Air Force must balance its capabilities to address all potential threats, including major combat operations, the service has not mentally prepared to focus on the role that airpower plays in irregular conflict.This study examines the requirement for an irregular air warfare organization and compares past USAF advisory efforts, specifically the early 1960s Special Air Warfare Center and US Air Force actions to rebuild the Iraqi Air Force, to identify the essential missions and optimum organizational structure for such an organization. This research has found that the USAF has not formulated irregular warfare strategy, doctrine, and tactics; has not captured and utilized irregular warfare lessons learned; has not assisted partners with military technology exploitation and integration; and has not provided a focal point for aviation advisory assistance. To fulfill these mission areas the author proposes reestablishing a USAF Special Air Warfare Center in Air Force Special Operations Command. This would gain synergy from the major command's Combat Aviation Advisory unit and further support its congressionally-legislated mission of foreign internal defense. This center would focus on how to best apply airpower to global irregular conflict.Recently the US Air Force established the Coalition Irregular Warfare Center at Nellis AFB to address irregular warfare doctrine and provide recommendations to senior leadership. While this center does address some strategic issues required by the USAF, it does not address the critical functions that this thesis has identified. This center's growth is important, but it should focus on analyzing how to apply current USAF general purpose forces to irregular warfare. While

The US military must be prepared to take advantage of reusable launch vehicles should the NASA-led effort to develop an RLV demonstrator prove successful. The focus of this research was an explanation of how the US military could use RLVs by describing and analyzing two concepts of operations. Four assumptions which guided the research are worthy of mention. First, the estimate that RLV technology will become operationally feasible by 2012 is reasonable. Second, a fiscally constrained environment will continue. Third, the US government will continue to support growth and development of the US commercial spacelift industry and encourage dual-use, or perhaps triple-use, of related facilities and systems. Fourth, the US Government's national security strategy will continue to emphasize international leadership and engagement to further its political, economic, and security objectives.

After five years in Iraq, the United Statesis looking fora better way to conductcounterinsurgency operations. The successful employment of the"BasilanModel"inthe Muslim-dominated region of the southern Philippines offers valuable insights in combating insurgents who use terrorism to achieve their goals. Senior policy-makers can, andshould, use this model in otherconflicts, but must first understandthe conditions that allowed for its successand either replicate them or construct conditions that create the same effects. Thiscase study analyzes the "conditions" surrounding Joint Task Force (JTF) 510's strategy in Operation EnduringFreedom-Philippines (OEF-P). Understanding whyand how the model was successfulallows commandersand policy-makers to make more informed decisions in combating terrorismand avoid the costlymistakes encountered in Iraqand Afghanistan.Theresults of this study reveal thatspecificpre-conditions enabled the success of JTF-510 and that other conditions, consciously developed, facilitated operationsin a positivemanner. The pre-conditions in-place beforeJTF-510 arrived included along-standing U.S.-Philippine partnership, high English language proficiency, favorable geography, and a conflictarguably characterized as a cultural versus a religious insurgency. Of the conditions consciously developed by JTF-510'sleadership, the decision to limit troop presence, maintaina "low-profile," restrict the rules of engagement, and properly recognize the conflict as an insurgency fromthe start helped overcome many of the challenges encountered inIraq and Afghanistan. Together, theseconditions allowedthis joint venture withtheArmed Forcesof thePhilippines (AFP) to remove the terrorist threat from Basilan Island.The results, however, alsoshowthe model's inabilityto effectively address government reform and stopwidespread corruption, which essentially limitsthe permanency of this victoryin the Philippines.

Since 9/11 many articles have been written, studies undertaken and recommendations made in an effort to repair America's hemorrhaging public diplomacy (PD) capabilities. However, these efforts, intended to serve as holistic reviews of the U.S. public diplomacy apparatus, fail to adequately address the existing shortcomings within the Department of Defense (DoD) or, more importantly, to truly explore methods to better harness the military's significant potential to enhance the country's public diplomacy capability. Its size, budget and overseas presence make DoD perhaps the most powerful voice for U.S. public diplomacy, which in turn warrant a more detailed and critical review of its role and capabilities. To gain a full understanding of the issues and gather information relevant to making the recommendations included in the report, the authors conducted: " A thorough review of existing public diplomacy studies, draft directives, policy proposals and scholarly writings, with particular focus on those findings and recommendations that addressed the military " A review of existing doctrine and training programs to discern the extent to which they addressed public diplomacy " Interviews with relevant DoD, Department of State (DoS), Defense Science Board (DSB) and other agency officials and public diplomacy experts to gain insights into current efforts and challenges associated with DoD's attempts to define its public diplomacy role " Interviews with selected military leaders to garner insights from their personal experiences during recent deployments The authors then analyzed the available data to determine the key findings suggested by the information and developed a set of specific recommendations matched to each of the findings. This study, while not sufficiently comprehensive to address every aspect of DoD's public diplomacy task, does discern a number of significant issues that, if addressed, would likely improve both the military's ability to win heart minds and

The war will be a tedious one, nor can it be glorious, even tho' attended with success. Instead of decisive battles, woodland skirmishes; instead of colours and a cannon, our trophies will be stinking scalps. Heaven preserve you my friend, from a war conducted by a spirit of murder rather than a brave and generous offense. A British military officer wrote this well-spoken statement to a friend fighting in North America in 1763. The feelings of this author highlight the traditional military indifference of United States military professionals as applied to Counter-Insurgency (COIN) operations.

According to official public statements, China's nuclear arsenal exists solely to deter nuclear attacks. There are, however, growing indicators that Beijing sees broader utility in these powerful weapons. Behind the scenes debates, internally circulated publications, a puzzling array of delivery systems, and the positioning of nuclear forces in the vicinity of non-nuclear states suggests a strategy aimed at more than simply deterring nuclear attacks. This thesis attempts to cut through the veil of secrecy and ambiguity that surrounds China's nuclear policy to determine the true nature of Beijing's nuclear posture. By examining key indicators of nuclear strategy, including equipment, targeting, communication, and nuclear stated thresholds, it shows that, with respect to the United States and Russia, China maintains a minimum deterrent posture aimed solely at deterring a nuclear attack. This is consistent with its official position. With respect to potential regional adversaries however, including deployed US conventional forces, China appears to have opted for a war-fighting strategy aimed at deterring both nuclear and conventional war. This is a significant departure from Beijing's official position, and represents a shift from China's long-standing minimum deterrent posture. This thesis concludes by recommending several measures that Washington should take in light of the shift in Chinese strategy. These measures include a renewed effort to dissuade Taiwan from making overt moves toward independence, a continued demonstration of willingness to oppose Chinese attempts at forcible reunification, the dispersal and hardening of key facilities in the region, and a reiteration of the overwhelming American response to a nuclear attack the US, its allies, or American deployed forces.

Field Marshal Erwin Rommel was a genius at the tactical and operational levels of war and is one of the Great Captains in military history. Although, he is generally regarded as a great tactician, even by his critics, there has been considerable debate on whether he was a great operational and grand strategist. In order to truly measure a commander's status in military history, one must look not only at his success or failure on the battlefield but also at the circumstances that remain outside his control. This paper demonstrates that on the operational level Erwin Rommel should most certainly be included with the great captains of the ages and there is also strong evidence that he had a deep sense of grand strategy. In order to demonstrate these points, this paper will concentrate on Rommel's leadership during his vaunted desert campaign.

Examination of Chinese national security issues is incomplete without a frame of reference that includes Chinese dynastic history, culture, and thought. Additionally, such examination requires viewing through lenses created by modern China's economics and politics. When viewed in this holistic fashion, Chinese defense strategies and concerns, especially with respect to two extremely important and timely issues, modernization of the PLA and Taiwan, can be discerned in a clearer light, resulting in an better, if more complex, understanding of the potential for military action on behalf of China tempered by the realities and difficulties China faces in improving a military force under their worldview and, also, their political and economic restraints. Accordingly, as a part of a coordinated effort, the US Air Force can provide both significant deterrence for military action in the Pacific in the form of appropriate force deployment and employment, as well as dissuasion from a potentially perceived Chinese requirement for military action through taking a "longer view" in understanding the value of activities such as military-to-military engagement.

This research examines the growing geopolitical uncertainty wrought by warming Arctic waters in an attempt to articulate a better US national strategy for the Arctic. It explores solutions to mitigate threats to national security while balancing economic rights and environmental responsibilities. This research uses the problem/solution method and assesses potential solutions based on four criteria for success. This strategy must: 1) Peacefully resolve territorial sovereignty issues and promote free trade economics. 2) Mitigate risks to human and environmental security in the region and around the globe. 3) Provide a long-term solution to the sustainable development of the Arctic. 4) Include a mechanism for enforcement and monitoring compliance. The fundamental finding of this research is that climate change in the Arctic should be seen as a warning and should underpin future security policy decisions. This necessitates a new paradigm in understanding not only the natural environment, but also the basic conduct of economics, politics, and science in developing an appropriate national security strategy. The thematic conclusions of this paper include the need for an ecologically-based economy, cooperative politics, and collaborative science, all of which are in the interests of national and global security.

Landstuhl Regional Medical Center provides outstanding care to patients evacuated from Iraq and Afghanistan. Patients receive further treatment while awaiting evacuation back to the United States. PROBLEM: Landstuhl, as capable as it is, reaches a threshold of effectiveness around a census of 100 medical/surgical patients. New capabilities and processes require development to optimize Landstuhl's effectiveness. METHODS: Statistical analysis showed the effects at Landstuhl of large numbers of casualties experienced downrange. Case studies of emergency direct aeromedical evacuation from the Middle East to the United States showed the feasibility of using this as a method to bypass Landstuhl when reaching the limits of its capabilities. Analysis of current aeromedical policies and procedures help to develop the communications and coordination required it initiate a bypass mission. FINDINGS: The USAF is tactically capable of direct Middle East to the United States aeromedical evacuation. However, its impact on global mobility would require judicious use of the method. CONCLUSIONS: Direct flights from the Middle East to the United States would help alleviate patient census at Landstuhl, given the casualties numbers from past battles in Iraq and Afghanistan. In the case of a concerted enemy effort to inflict harm on US military members in the Middle East, this method alone would not completely alleviate a bottleneck at Landstuhl and further means of increasing capabilities in Europe require more exploration.