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New essays by noted authorities on music and related arts in early
modern Italy, giving special attention to musical sources, poetry,
performance, and visual arts. The rich cultural environment of
early modern Italy inspired a vast array of musical innovations:
this was the first age of the virtuoso performer, the era that
witnessed the beginnings of opera, and a moment that saw the
intersection and cross-fertilization of madrigals and songs of all
sorts. Word, Image, and Song: Essays on Early Modern Italy presents
a broad range of approaches to the study of music and related arts
in that era. Topics include musical source studies, issues of
performance, poetry and linguistics, influences on music from the
classical tradition, and the interconnectedness of music and visual
art. Their points of departure include well-known musical workssuch
as Monteverdi's madrigals, librettos of seventeenth-century operas,
the poetry of Giambattista Marino, and the paintings of Titian and
his contemporaries. Contributors: Jennifer Williams Brown, Mauro
Calcagno, Alan Curtis, Suzanne G. Cusick, Ruth I. DeFord, Dinko
Fabris, Beth L. Glixon, Jonathan E. Glixon, Barbara Russano
Hanning, Wendy Heller, Robert R. Holzer, Deborah Howard, Giuseppe
Mazzotta, Margaret Murata, David Rosand, Susan ParkerShimp, Gary
Tomlinson, Alvaro Torrente, Andrew H. Weaver. Rebecca Cypess is
Assistant Professor of Music at the Mason Gross School of the Arts
at Rutgers, the State University of New Jersey. Beth L. Glixon is
Instructor in Musicology at the University of Kentucky School of
Music. Nathan Link is NEH Associate Professor of Music at Centre
College.
Featured on CNN, C-SPAN, FOX News, NBC's Today Show, Democracy NOW
, News Hour with Jim Lehrer and other leading talk shows. In the
late 1960s, the bipartisan Eisenhower Violence Commission, formed
by President Lyndon Baines Johnson and extended by President
Richard Nixon, warned that most civilizations have fallen less from
external assault than from internal decay. Over recent years, the
internal decay prophesied by the Violence Commission, but also by
President Dwight D. Eisenhower in his military-industrial complex
farewell speech, has been reflected in American public policies.
The fault lies on both sides of the political aisle. After Pearl
Harbor, "Mr. Republican," Senator Robert A. Taft, said criticism is
patriotic. Patriotism, Democracy, and Common Sense assembles more
than three dozen patriots. They range from Kevin Phillips, chief
political strategist for Richard Nixon's victory in 1968, and
former Ambassador Joseph Wilson IV, called a "true American hero"
by President George H. W. Bush in 1991, to Jessica Tuchman Mathews,
President of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, and
former Oklahoma Senator Fred R. Harris, who advocated grassroots,
populist policies when he ran for president in the 1970s. Why have
American policies failed? What alternative policies can return
America to its promise, internally and in the eyes of a global
community shaken by, among other things, American torture and
sexual humiliation of prisoners in Iraq? Patriotism, Democracy and
Common Sense answers these questions in a preposterous way. It asks
citizens and policy makers to actually connect the dots-to move
America forward by developing mutually supportive and complementary
foreign, national security, Middle East, economic, domestic, inner
city, media, campaign finance and voting reform policies. Too much
to expect of our civilization? This important and timely effort is
published in cooperation with The Milton S. Eisenhower Foundation.
From Patriotism, Democracy, and Common Se
With the break up of the Spanish empire in South America, the
continent split into nine independent states with often ill-defined
boundaries. One of these was that between Bolivia and Chile, which
were separated by the Atacama Desert, tone of the driest regions in
the world. When it was realised that the area contained nitrates
that the world needed for explosives and fertiliser the scene was
set for the inevitable clash. When war broke out in February 1879,
both sides found themselves unprepared for war. Rapid armament
followed as the Peruvians were dragged into the conflict in support
of their Bolivian allies. Initially there was a tiresome naval war
of blockade and guerre de course. Two naval actions decided the
naval campaign in favour of the Chileans who then proceeded to use
their naval power to attack the Allies' isolated armies and capture
Lima two years after war had broken out. Fighting then developed
into a cruel and ruthless guerrilla war in the Andes, sometimes
even pitting Peruvian against Peruvian, before the Peruvians
finally concede defeat. The war was notable in the West for fights
involving ironclads, particularly the Battle of Angamos, which saw
the only time ironclads were pitted against each other between the
Battle of Lissa and the Battle of the Yalu River. The war helped
formulate Captain Mahan's thoughts in "The Influence of Sea Power
upon History". The land war was more or less ignored abroad,
although it included some of the biggest battles ever fought on the
continent, using all the latest technology, including breech
loading rifles and cannons and machine guns. The armies on both
sides initially lacked experience and training as well as modern
equipment. The Bolivian Army started the war with 806 officers and
only 1369 other ranks! In the end the Chileans won because of their
more stable government, better financial situation and their
control of the sea, due to their two superior ironclads. "From the
Atacama to the Andes" tells the brutal struggle between two sides
to control the wealth of the Atacama and for retention of Bolivia's
coast. The result was that Chile gained the mineral resources of
the "New North" and Bolivia became the second landlocked country on
the continent, paving the way for the even more catastrophic Chaco
War 50 years later.
In 1968, the Kerner Commission concluded that America was heading
toward "two societies, one black, one white-separate and unequal."
Today, America's communities are experiencing increasing racial
tensions and inequality, working-class resentment over the
unfulfilled American Dream, white supremacy violence, toxic
inaction in Washington, and the decline of the nation's example
around the world. In Healing Our Divided Society, Fred Harris, the
last surviving member of the Kerner Commission, along with
Eisenhower Foundation CEO Alan Curtis, re-examine fifty years later
the work still necessary towards the goals set forth in The Kerner
Report. This timely volume unites the interests of minorities and
white working- and middle-class Americans to propose a strategy to
reduce poverty, inequality, and racial injustice. Reflecting on
America's urban climate today, this new report sets forth
evidence-based policies concerning employment, education, housing,
neighborhood development, and criminal justice based on what has
been proven to work-and not work. Contributors include: Oscar Perry
Abello, Elijah Anderson, Anil N.F. Aranha, Jared Bernstein, Henry
G. Cisneros, Elliott Currie, Linda Darling-Hammond, Martha F.
Davis, E. J. Dionne, Jr., Marian Wright Edelman, Delbert S.
Elliott, Carol Emig, Jeff Faux, Ron Grzywinski, Michael P.
Jeffries, Lamar K. Johnson, Celinda Lake, Marilyn Melkonian, Gary
Orfield, Diane Ravitch, Laurie Robinson, Herbert C. Smitherman,
Jr., Joseph Stiglitz, Dorothy Stoneman, Kevin Washburn, Valerie
Wilson, Gary Younge, Julian E. Zelizer, and the editors
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