Charles Stewart Parnell (1846-1891) wrote remarkably little about himself, but he has attracted the attention of many writers, politicians, and scholars, both during his lifetime and ever since. His controversial and provocative role in Charles Stewart Parnell (1846-1891) wrote remarkably little about himself, but he has attracted the attention of many writers, politicians, and scholars, both during his lifetime and ever since. His controversial and provocative role in Irish and British affairs had him vilified as a murderer in The Times, and afterwards dramatically vindicated by the Westminster Parliament. It cast him as a romantic hero to the young James Joyce, and a self-serving opportunist to the journalists of the Nation. Parnell has been the subject of court cases, parliamentary enquiries and debates, journalism, plays, poems, literary analysis and historical studies. For the first time all these have been collected, catalogued and cross-referenced in one volume, an invaluable resource for scholars of late nineteenth century Ireland and Britain. Divided into fifteen chapters, including a biographical sketch, this volume contains information on manuscript and archival collections, printed primary sources, Parnell's writing, Parnell's speeches in the House of Commons and outside Parliament, contemporary journalism, contemporary writing, and contemporary illustrations on Irish affairs, and a substantial list of scholarly work, including biographies, books, articles, chapters, and theses.

Between 1885 and 1921 the question of Irish Home Rule became increasingly focused on the province of Ulster, and especially on Ulster Unionist responses to a Dublin parliament. This book explores the making of a specifically Ulster dimension to this crisis and its impact on Ulster politics. D. George Boyce and Alan O'Day also trace its outcome in the partition of Ireland and the establishment of a Home Rule parliament in Northern Ireland - an outcome which still has resonances today.

Political violence in Northern Ireland began in the late 1960s and has been part of life there and to a lesser extent in the Republic of Ireland and Great Britain for nearly three decades. The crisis has perplexed politicians, strained democratic institutions, and has placed British policies under the microscope of international scrutiny. The volume of up-to-date essays places recent developments in context. It looks at the ideology of republicans and unionists, the impediments to peace, problems of gender and citizenship, the impact of partition on the island's economy, how The Troubles have been filtered through the press, and the impact of overspill violence in the Republic of Ireland and Great Britain. This study adds an important fresh texture to the ongoing discussion of political violence and the problems in Northern Ireland.

First published in 1991, Parnell in Perspective is a collection of essays exploring the ideas and political style of Charles Stewart Parnell. Divided into two parts, the book explores Parnell’s career in detail and investigates the parliamentary and personal qualities that led to his reputation as ‘The Uncrowned King of Ireland’. It will appeal to those with an interest in Irish and British political and social history.

When originally published in 1984, this book was the first detailed study of terrorism in Ireland. It assesses the situation in Ireland after a decade or more of violence in the North and tests some of the assumptions about the nature of terrorism and discusses the problem in a geo-political context. The authors reflect a variety of disciplines and political outlooks and no single line of argument is offered. They examine how the issue of terrorism has been dealt with by various governments, the church, the media and individuals. The book reveals the complexity of the terrorist problem and dispels some of the myths that have grown up around Irish terrorism.

First published in 1991, Parnell in Perspective is a collection of essays exploring the ideas and political style of Charles Stewart Parnell. Divided into two parts, the book explores Parnell's career in detail and investigates the parliamentary and personal qualities that led to his reputation as 'The Uncrowned King of Ireland'. It will appeal to those with an interest in Irish and British political and social history.

Irish Home Rule considers the pre-eminent issue in British politics during the late nineteenth and early twentieth-centuries. It is the first account to explain the various self-government plans, to place these in context and examine the motives for putting the schemes forward. The book distinguishes between moral and material home rulers, making the point that the first appealed especially to outsiders, some Protestants and the intelligentsia, who saw in self-government a means to reconcile Ireland's antagonistic traditions. In contrast, material home rulers viewed a Dublin Parliament as a forum of Catholic interests. This account appraises the home rule movement from a fresh angle, distinguishing it from the usual division drawn between physical force and constitutional nationalists It maintains that an ideological continuity runs from Young Ireland, the Fenians, the early home rulers including Isaac Butt and Charles Stewart Parnell, to the Gaelic Revivalists to the Men of 1916. These nationalists are distinguishable from material home rulers not on the basis of methods or strategy but by a fundamental ideological cleavage. -- .

This wide-ranging collection brings together multiple perspectives on a key period in Irish history, from the Fenian Rising in 1867 to the creation of the Irish Free State and Northern Ireland in 1921, with a focus on the formation of Irish identity. The chapters, written by team of experts, focus on key individuals or ideological groups and consider how they perceived Ireland's future, what their sense of Irish identity was, and who they saw as the enemy. Providing a new angle on Ireland during the period from 1867 to 1921, this book will be important reading for all those with an interest in Irish history.

This wide-ranging collection brings together multiple perspectives on a key period in Irish history, from the Fenian Rising in 1867 to the creation of the Irish Free State and Northern Ireland in 1921, with a focus on the formation of Irish identity. The chapters, written by team of experts, focus on key individuals or ideological groups and consider how they perceived Ireland's future, what their sense of Irish identity was, and who they saw as the enemy. Providing a new angle on Ireland during the period from 1867 to 1921, this book will be important reading for all those with an interest in Irish history.

Defenders of the Union is a concise and readable overview of the history and contentious politics of Unionism and the affect it has had on Anglo-Irish relations over the last two hundred years. It is an essential guide to this confusing topic and covers key areas such as:
* definition of unionism
* establishment of the union
* Unionist literature
* loyalists since 1972.

Revisionism has been an important issue in Irish history for several years, as varying partisan accounts of the Irish past have been rewritten and 'rescued' by journalists and historians of different political persuasions. This volume brings together distinguished historians of Ireland, each of whom tackles a key question, issue or event in Irish history since the eighteenth century and:
* examines its historiography
* assesses the context of new interpretations
* considers the strengths and weaknesses of revisionist ideas
* offers their own interpretation
Topics covered are not only of historical interest but, in the context of recent revisionist debates, of contemporary political significance.
These original contributions take account of new evidence and perspectives, as well as up-to-date historical methodology. Their combination of synthesis and analysis represent a valuable guide to the present state of the writing of modern Irish history.

Revisionism has been an important issue in Irish history for several years, as more or less partisan accounts of the Irish past have been rewritten and 'rescued' by journalists and historians of different political persuasions. This text book brings together distinguished historians from Ireland. Each contributor tackles a key question, issue or event in Irish history and:
* examines its historiography
* assesses the context of new interpretations
* considers the strengths and weaknesses of revisionist ideas
* offers their own interpretation

The introduction outlines the history of the revisionist controversy and places Ireland within a historical and contemporary context.

When originally published in 1984, this book was the first detailed study of terrorism in Ireland. It assesses the situation in Ireland after a decade or more of violence in the North and tests some of the assumptions about the nature of terrorism and discusses the problem in a geo-political context. The authors reflect a variety of disciplines and political outlooks and no single line of argument is offered. They examine how the issue of terrorism has been dealt with by various governments, the church, the media and individuals. The book reveals the complexity of the terrorist problem and dispels some of the myths that have grown up around Irish terrorism.

This work provides a comprehensive overview of the contentious politics of Unionism and the effects it has had on the relationship between Britain and Ireland over the past two centuries. By considering the history of Unionism, the Act of Union of 1801 and its aftermath, it provides a significant guide to these historical events and the continuing legacies which they have created. This book looks at the way the Union has affected Anglo-Irish and Catholic-Protestant relations and also considers its social, cultural and economic effects on Irish and British life. Key aspects which are discussed include: definition of Unionism; establishment of the Union; defending the union; and Protestant Churches and opposition to Home Rule.

Charles Stewart Parnell has proved a compelling figure in his own time and to ours. A Protestant landlord who possessed few of the gifts that inspire mass adoration, he was the unlikely object of popular veneration. His long liaison with a married woman, Katharine O'Shea, exposed him to the fury of the Catholic Church. Other Protestants secured niches in the pantheon of national heroes but nearly all earned their places as victims of British rule; Parnell's destruction came at Irish hands. Since initial publication in 1998, new evidence and fresh interpretations allow for a fuller and yet more complex portrait for this revised account of Parnell's life. This revision considers Parnell's career within the context of his times, Anglo-Irish affairs, and theoretical perspectives. It makes extensive use of Parnell's public and parliamentary speeches, arguing that he was an exemplar of new forms of political communication and expressed a coherent ideology rooted in the liberal radicalism of the age. In the end he was a victim of his own successes and of a virulent nationalism that squeezed out the immediate possibility of an inclusive nation. Parnell's vision, though, was never wholly submerged and would reappear in the more cosmopolitan atmosphere of contemporary Ireland.

The Act of Union, coming into effect on 1 January 1801, portended the integration of Ireland into a unified, if not necessarily uniform, community. This volume treats the complexities, perspectives, methodologies and debates on the themes of the years between 1801 and 1879. Its focus is the making of the Union, the Catholic question, the age of Daniel O'Connell, the famine and its consequences, emigration and settlement in new lands, post-famine politics, religious awakenings, Fenianism, the rise of home rule politics and emergent feminism.

From the mid-1860s to 1914 the Irish problem was frequently the prime issue in British politics. Quantitatively it absorbed more time and energy than any other question. There was little about Ireland which was not aired at length in the press, in Parliament and at the dinner tables of the British political elite. Fenianism obsessed British minds at the beginning of the period while at the end it seemed all too possible that Irish home rule would spark off the largest civil disruption in the British Isles since the seventeenth century. Throughout the late Victorian and Edwardian eras Ireland never drifted far from political consciousness. The importance of the Irish question in modern British history is undeniable. It remains a staple of schools and university history syllabuses. For many William Gladstone's long career, most of which had little connection with Ireland, was bound up with his mission to pacify the Emerald Isle. Charles Stewart Parnell, the Protestant nationalist who guided an essentially Catholic movement so triumphantly, has inspired the best in poetry and the worst of Hollywood. The Irish problem, understandably, has continued to excite interest and passion beyond any other issue of the time. Its ramifications are with us even today. Failure to resolve the Irish problem by 1914 left a bitter legacy and was a major factor in giving birth to the contemporary Northern Ireland violence. That the Irish question played so considerable a part in later nineteenth and early twentieth century Britain is at initial glance very curious. Ireland was a small, relatively poor backwater on the fringe of the British Isles and western Europe. It possessed few significant resources and had little intrinsic importance. Scotland and Wales, lands of infinitely more value to Britain, attracted little concern by comparison though both had grievances and aspirations similar to those in Ireland. Moreover, neither the industrial workers of Britain's cities or the agricultural classes of the countryside were given the consideration devoted to the humblest of Ireland's Catholic peasantry. Ireland's centrality is explicable in three principle ways. First, there was a range of outstanding Irish grievances which public opinion had been educated to understand demanded attention if the Catholics of the country were to consent freely to be part of a unified kingdom. Certain issues, then, were ripe for legislation. Secondly, a movement emerged which was able to galvanise the Catholic masses. It also proved effective in keeping Ireland to the fore in British life over an extended time.

President George W. Bush maintained in his address of 20 September 2001, that the successful prosecution of the war against terrorism will require the judicious use of 'every resource at our command - every means of diplomacy, every tool of intelligence, every instrument of law enforcement, every financial influence, and every necessary weapon of war'. Unlike the Cold War, the War on Terrorism is neither a battle against some ideology nor bounded by physical boundaries or conventional political units such as nation-states. The War on Terrorism is the internationalisation, or rather, globalisation of previous wars. Terror is not a nation, and the enemies in such wars are not nations; any regime such as Libya simply by repudiating terrorism, can become an ally of the anti-terror coalition. Regimes that continue to practice terrorism against domestic opponents qualify to participate in the wider war if they conform to certain norms in external affairs. The 28 articles reprinted here consider aspects of that most amorphous of animals - the War on Terrorism. They do not set out to provide all of the answers; nor do they radiate a unified vision of what constitutes the war on terrorism; the pieces begin from a range of political and intellectual outlooks. Taken as a group, however, the difficulties of determining the limits and nature of the war on terrorism receive important attention. The authors address several major themes within the war on terrorism: what falls within its perimeters, its shifting manifestations, implications, responses and future directions.