Studies of the right and radical right have proliferated since the rise of European nationalist and populist parties in the 1980s. Yet, the literature on the right and the radical right has a largely Euro-American bias and has been limited by partisan academics that focus on the left. The Right and Radical Right in the Americas hopes to be a pioneering work that examines the history and contemporary manifestations of the right and radical right throughout the Americas. From interwar Canada to contemporary Chile, the right and radical right have come in diverse ideological currents. Those ideological currents have undergone historical changes and the strategies of the right and radical right need to be contextualized in respect of country and region. The right and radical right also have distinctive meanings throughout the Americas and in different epochs.

This book analyzes whether the "new debate on genetics" owes a debt to eugenic practices by welfare democracies of 1930s and 1940s. More specifically, the question is whether precisely the same "eugenic rationale" used in the 1930s is philosophical akin to a new rationality unfolding in some Western European welfare societies that find themselves trapped in the modern dilemma of choosing between increasing immigration and population growth that leads to economic prosperity on the one hand, or halting immigration, protecting national identity, and suffering economic stagnation on the other. By analyzing, policies of integration and assisted reproduction technology (ART) in Northern European nation states such as Sweden, Finland, Denmark as well as in Israel, we find a historical continuity between "old eugenics" and current reproductive and family planning subsides and integration policies. By focusing on the concept of welfare productionism, we trace a continuing rationale between the eugenic policies of the past and current investments of ART. These programs, are rationalized as universal programs for the whole of the population. However, in this book the authors suggest that they served the goal of reproducing a productivist, national middle class which are enticed to reproduce. This work will be of great interest to students and scholars of racism, extremism, European politics, population politics, and the social impact of science and technology.

This book analyzes whether the "new debate on genetics" owes a debt to eugenic practices by welfare democracies of 1930s and 1940s. More specifically, the question is whether precisely the same "eugenic rationale" used in the 1930s is philosophical akin to a new rationality unfolding in some Western European welfare societies that find themselves trapped in the modern dilemma of choosing between increasing immigration and population growth that leads to economic prosperity on the one hand, or halting immigration, protecting national identity, and suffering economic stagnation on the other. By analyzing, policies of integration and assisted reproduction technology (ART) in Northern European nation states such as Sweden, Finland, Denmark as well as in Israel, we find a historical continuity between "old eugenics" and current reproductive and family planning subsides and integration policies. By focusing on the concept of welfare productionism, we trace a continuing rationale between the eugenic policies of the past and current investments of ART. These programs, are rationalized as universal programs for the whole of the population. However, in this book the authors suggest that they served the goal of reproducing a productivist, national middle class which are enticed to reproduce. This work will be of great interest to students and scholars of racism, extremism, European politics, population politics, and the social impact of science and technology.

The effect of Islam on Western Europe has been profound. Spektorowski and Elfersy argue that it has transformed European democratic values by inspiring an ultra-liberalism that now faces an ultra-conservative backlash. Questions of what to do about Muslim immigration, how to deal with burqas, how to deal with gender politics, have all been influenced by western democracies’ grappling with ideas of inclusion and most recently, exclusion. This book examines those forces and ultimately sees, not an unbridgeable gap, but a future in which Islam and European democracies are compatible, rich, and evolving.

The Origins of Argentina's Revolution of the Right traces the ideological roots and political impact of Argentine right-wing nationalism as it developed in the 1930s and 1940s. In this spirited book, Alberto Spektorowski focuses on the attempt by a new brand of nonconformist intellectuals to shift the concept of Argentine nationalism from its liberal incarnation to an integralist-populist one and, simultaneously, to change Argentina's path of development from liberalism to a "third road" of economic autarky.Spektorowski maintains that the "third road" developed in 1930s Argentina through the juxtaposition of two apparently opposing types of anti-liberal ideological currents: a right-wing authoritarian current reliant upon counterrevolutionary European sources, and an anti-imperialist, populist current. He shows that both of these wings rejected liberal institutions, bourgeois society, cosmopolitanism, and old-type conservatism, and became profoundly anti-imperialist. Both defended a "pro-Axis" neutrality during World War II, and both set the ideological stage for Argentina's sociopolitical shift of the 1940s. Spektorowski concludes that both of these currents produced a single nationalist ideology that became the intellectual framework in which the "repertoire" of political values of the 1943 military regime and Peronism was subsequently elaborated.

The Origins of Argentina’s Revolution of the Right traces the ideological roots and political impact of Argentine right-wing nationalism as it developed in the 1930s and 1940s. In this spirited book, Alberto Spektorowski focuses on the attempt by a new brand of nonconformist intellectuals to shift the concept of Argentine nationalism from its liberal incarnation to an integralist-populist one and, simultaneously, to change Argentina’s path of development from liberalism to a “third road� of economic autarky.Spektorowski maintains that the “third road� developed in 1930s Argentina through the juxtaposition of two apparently opposing types of anti-liberal ideological currents: a right-wing authoritarian current reliant upon counterrevolutionary European sources, and an anti-imperialist, populist current. He shows that both of these wings rejected liberal institutions, bourgeois society, cosmopolitanism, and old-type conservatism, and became profoundly anti-imperialist. Both defended a “pro-Axis� neutrality during World War II, and both set the ideological stage for Argentina’s sociopolitical shift of the 1940s. Spektorowski concludes that both of these currents produced a single nationalist ideology that became the intellectual framework in which the “repertoire� of political values of the 1943 military regime and Peronism was subsequently elaborated.