|
Showing 1 - 6 of
6 matches in All Departments
R. H. Coase Duncan Black was a close and dear friend. A man of
great simplicity, un worldly, modest, diffident, with no
pretensions, he was devoted to scholarship. In his single-minded
search for the truth, he is an example to us all. Black's first
degree at the University of Glasgow was in mathematics and physics.
Mathematics as taught at Glasgow seems to have been designed for
engineers and did not excite him and he switched to economics,
which he found more congenial. But it was not in a lecture in
economics but in one on politics that he found his star. One
lecturer, A. K. White, discussed the possibility of constructing a
pure science of politics. This question caught his imagination,
perhaps because of his earlier training in physics, and it came to
absorb his thoughts for the rest of his life. But almost certainly
nothing would have come of it were it not for his appointment to
the newly formed Dundee School of Economics where the rest of the.
teaching staff came from the London School of Economics. At
Glasgow, economics, as in the time of Adam Smith, was linked with
moral philosophy. At Dundee, Black was introduced to the analytical
x The Theory o/Committees and Elections approach dominant at the
London School of Economics. This gave him the approach he used in
his attempt to construct a pure science of politics."
This is a book about a well-known writer, Lewis Carroll, and about
a little-known subject, the theory of voting' (from the Editors'
Introduction).
This book has been edited from the manuscripts of the late Scottish
economist Duncan Black. Shortly after the publication of The Theory
of Committees and Elections Black started to collect material for
papers and a book on Lewis Carroll's theory of proportional
representation. Black's chapter plans made it clear that the book
was to be in three parts, written by himself, followed by a reprint
of Carroll's Principles of Parliamentary Representation and its
main sources. Part I is biographical, introducing Lewis Carroll and
giving relevant details of his life. Part II is Black's already
published work on Lewis Carroll. Part III comprises the more
detailed arguments about Carroll's reasoning, and Part IV contains
reprints of rare original material on proportional representation
by Carroll, James Garth Marshall, and Walter Baily. Taken together,
the editors have provided a complete reference source for the
theory of voting and proportional representation.
R. H. Coase Duncan Black was a close and dear friend. A man of
great simplicity, un worldly, modest, diffident, with no
pretensions, he was devoted to scholarship. In his single-minded
search for the truth, he is an example to us all. Black's first
degree at the University of Glasgow was in mathematics and physics.
Mathematics as taught at Glasgow seems to have been designed for
engineers and did not excite him and he switched to economics,
which he found more congenial. But it was not in a lecture in
economics but in one on politics that he found his star. One
lecturer, A. K. White, discussed the possibility of constructing a
pure science of politics. This question caught his imagination,
perhaps because of his earlier training in physics, and it came to
absorb his thoughts for the rest of his life. But almost certainly
nothing would have come of it were it not for his appointment to
the newly formed Dundee School of Economics where the rest of the.
teaching staff came from the London School of Economics. At
Glasgow, economics, as in the time of Adam Smith, was linked with
moral philosophy. At Dundee, Black was introduced to the analytical
x The Theory o/Committees and Elections approach dominant at the
London School of Economics. This gave him the approach he used in
his attempt to construct a pure science of politics."
This is a book about a well-known writer, Lewis Carroll, and about
a little-known subject, the theory of voting' (from the Editors'
Introduction).
This book has been edited from the manuscripts of the late Scottish
economist Duncan Black. Shortly after the publication of The Theory
of Committees and Elections Black started to collect material for
papers and a book on Lewis Carroll's theory of proportional
representation. Black's chapter plans made it clear that the book
was to be in three parts, written by himself, followed by a reprint
of Carroll's Principles of Parliamentary Representation and its
main sources. Part I is biographical, introducing Lewis Carroll and
giving relevant details of his life. Part II is Black's already
published work on Lewis Carroll. Part III comprises the more
detailed arguments about Carroll's reasoning, and Part IV contains
reprints of rare original material on proportional representation
by Carroll, James Garth Marshall, and Walter Baily. Taken together,
the editors have provided a complete reference source for the
theory of voting and proportional representation.
This bestselling dictionary contains over 1,700 entries on all
aspects of politics and international relations. Written by a
leading team of political scientists, it embraces the
multi-disciplinary spectrum of political theory including political
thinkers, history, institutions, theories, and schools of thought,
as well as notable current affairs that have shaped attitudes to
politics. Fully updated for its fourth edition, the dictionary has
had its coverage of international relations heavily revised and
expanded, reflected in its title change, and it includes a wealth
of new material in areas such as international institutions, peace
building, human security, security studies, global governance, and
open economy politics. It also incorporates recommended web links
that can be accessed via a regularly checked and updated companion
website, ensuring that the links remain relevant. The dictionary is
international in its coverage and will prove invaluable to students
and academics studying politics and related disciplines, as well as
politicians, journalists, and the general reader seeking
clarification of political terms.
This is the first survey of Unionism, the ideology of most of the
rulers of the United Kingdom for the last 300 years. Because it was
taken so much for granted, it has never been properly studied. Now
that we stand in the twilight of Unionism, it is possible to see it
as it casts its long shadow over British and imperial history since
1707.
The book looks at all the crucial moments in the history of
Unionism. In 1707, the parliaments and (more important) executives
of England and Scotland were united. During the 18th century,
although not immediately after 1707, that union blossomed and
brought benefits to both parties. It facilitated the first and
second British Empires. The Union of Great Britain and Ireland in
1800-01 was formally similar but behaviourally quite different. It
was probably doomed from the start when George III refused to
accept Catholic Emancipation. Nevertheless, no leading British
politician heeded the Irish clamour for Home Rule until Gladstone
in 1886. That cataclysmic year has determined the shape of British
and Irish politics ever since. Having refused to concede Irish Home
Rule through the heyday of primordial Unionism from 1886 to 1920,
British politicians had to accept Irish independence in 1921,
whereupon primordial Unionism fell apart except in Northern
Ireland. Twentieth-century Unionism has been instrumental - valuing
the Union for its consequences, not because it was intrinsically
good.
As Unionism was inextricably tied up with the British Empire, it
nevertheless remained as a strong but unexamined theme until the
end of Empire. The unionist parties (Conservative and Labour)
responded to the upsurge of Scottish and Welsh nationalism, and of
violence in Northern Ireland, in the light of their mostly
unexamined unionism in the 1960s. With the departure from politics
of the last Unionists (Enoch Powell and John Major), British
politics is now subtly but profoundly different.
|
You may like...
Loot
Nadine Gordimer
Paperback
(2)
R398
R330
Discovery Miles 3 300
|