The Arab Uprisings were unexpected events of rare intensity in Middle Eastern history - mass, popular and largely non-violent revolts which threatened and in some cases toppled apparently stable autocracies. This volume provides in-depth analyses of how people perceived the socio-economic and political transformations in three case studies epitomising different post-Uprising trajectories - Tunisia, Jordan and Egypt - and drawing on survey data to explore ordinary citizens' perceptions of politics, security, the economy, gender, corruption, and trust. The findings suggest the causes of protest in 2010-2011 were not just political marginalisation and regime repression, but also denial of socio-economic rights and regimes failure to provide social justice. Data also shows these issues remain unresolved, and that populations have little confidence governments will deliver, leaving post-Uprisings regimes neither strong nor stable, but fierce and brittle. This analysis has direct implications both for policy and for scholarship on transformations, democratization, authoritarian resilience and 'hybrid regimes'.

This book explains why the EU is not a 'normative actor' in the Southern Mediterranean, and how and why EU democracy promotion fails. Drawing on a combination of discourse analysis of EU policy documents and evidence from opinion polls showing 'what the people want', the book shows EU policy fails because the EU promotes a conception of democracy which people do not share. Likewise, the EU's strategies for economic development are misconceived because they do not reflect the people's preferences for greater social justice and reducing inequalities. This double failure highlights a paradox of EU democracy promotion: while nominally emancipatory, it de facto undermines the very transitions to democracy and inclusive development it aims to pursue.

Over the last decade or so, academic and non-academic observers have focussed mainly, if not exclusively on the institutions and places of formal power in the Greater Middle East, depicting politics in the region as a small area limited to local authoritarian rulers. In contrast, this book aims to explore the 'hidden geographies' of power, i.e. the political dynamics developing inside, in parallel to, and beyond institutional forums; arguing that these hidden geographies play a crucial role, both in support of and in opposition to official power. By observing less frequented spaces of power, co-option, and negotiation, and particularly by focusing on the interplay between formal and informal power, this interdisciplinary collection provides new insights in the study of the intersection between policy-making and practical political dynamics in the Greater Middle East. Contributing a fresh perspective to a much-discussed topic, Informal Power in the Greater Middle East will be an invaluable resource for students, scholars and those interested in the politics of the region.

Over the last decade or so, academic and non-academic observers have focussed mainly, if not exclusively on the institutions and places of formal power in the Greater Middle East, depicting politics in the region as a small area limited to local authoritarian rulers.

In contrast, this book aims to explore the hidden geographies of power, i.e. the political dynamics developing inside, in parallel to, and beyond institutional forums; arguing that these hidden geographies play a crucial role, both in support of and in opposition to official power. By observing less frequented spaces of power, co-option, and negotiation, and particularly by focusing on the interplay between formal and informal power, this interdisciplinary collection provides new insights in the study of the intersection between policy-making and practical political dynamics in the Greater Middle East.

Contributing a fresh perspective to a much-discussed topic, "Informal Power in the Greater Middle East "will be an invaluable resource for students, scholars and those interested in the politics of the region."

Vor dem Hintergrund der demographischen Entwicklung unserer Gesellschaft nimmt der Open-Access-Sammelband die Wohnsituation alterer Menschen unter besonderer Berucksichtigung der gesundheitlichen Situation in den Blick. Lebensqualitat, Wohlbefinden, Teilhabe sowie Autonomie und Selbstbestimmung alterer Menschen stehen dabei im Mittelpunkt.

The Arab Uprisings were unexpected events of rare intensity in Middle Eastern history - mass, popular and largely non-violent revolts which threatened and in some cases toppled apparently stable autocracies. This volume provides in-depth analyses of how people perceived the socio-economic and political transformations in three case studies epitomising different post-Uprising trajectories - Tunisia, Jordan and Egypt - and drawing on survey data to explore ordinary citizens' perceptions of politics, security, the economy, gender, corruption, and trust. The findings suggest the causes of protest in 2010-2011 were not just political marginalisation and regime repression, but also denial of socio-economic rights and regimes failure to provide social justice. Data also shows these issues remain unresolved, and that populations have little confidence governments will deliver, leaving post-Uprisings regimes neither strong nor stable, but fierce and brittle. This analysis has direct implications both for policy and for scholarship on transformations, democratization, authoritarian resilience and 'hybrid regimes'.

This book explains why the EU is not a 'normative actor' in the Southern Mediterranean, and how and why EU democracy promotion fails. Drawing on a combination of discourse analysis of EU policy documents and evidence from opinion polls showing 'what the people want', the book shows EU policy fails because the EU promotes a conception of democracy which people do not share. Likewise, the EU's strategies for economic development are misconceived because they do not reflect the people's preferences for greater social justice and reducing inequalities. This double failure highlights a paradox of EU democracy promotion: while nominally emancipatory, it de facto undermines the very transitions to democracy and inclusive development it aims to pursue.