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A sense of order has irreversibly retreated at the turn of the
twenty-first century with the rise of such ancient civilizations as
China and India and the militant resurgence of Islamic groups. The
United States and like-minded states want to maintain the
once-dominant international and global order buttressed by a set of
mainly Western value systems and institutions. Nevertheless,
challengers have sought to redraw the international and global
order according to their own ideas and preferences, while
selectively accommodating and taking advantage of the established
order. Because of this, the entire world is teetering on the brink
of an order war. This book is a synthesis of two separate bodies of
thoughts, from Western and East Asian ideas and philosophies
respectively. The authors deploy the major ideas of key Western and
East Asian thinkers to shed a new light on their usefulness in
understanding the transition of global order. They locate new ideas
to overcome the contradictions of the late modern world and provide
some ideational building blocks of a new global order. The new
concepts proposed are: recognition between the great civilizations;
a harmony and floating balance between and within
contrasts-individual versus community, freedom versus equality-;and
mediation between friends and foes. As the former Israeli Prime
Minister Yitzhak Rabin put it, "you don't need to make peace with
your friends, you have to make peace with your foes." The values of
the West as well as that of the East cannot survive in a globalized
world by taking them as absolute, but only by balancing them to
those of the other great civilizations of the world.
A sense of order has irreversibly retreated at the turn of the
twenty-first century with the rise of such ancient civilizations as
China and India and the militant resurgence of Islamic groups. The
United States and like-minded states want to maintain the
once-dominant international and global order buttressed by a set of
mainly Western value systems and institutions. Nevertheless,
challengers have sought to redraw the international and global
order according to their own ideas and preferences, while
selectively accommodating and taking advantage of the established
order. Because of this, the entire world is teetering on the brink
of an order war. This book is a synthesis of two separate bodies of
thoughts, from Western and East Asian ideas and philosophies
respectively. The authors deploy the major ideas of key Western and
East Asian thinkers to shed a new light on their usefulness in
understanding the transition of global order. They locate new ideas
to overcome the contradictions of the late modern world and provide
some ideational building blocks of a new global order. The new
concepts proposed are: recognition between the great civilizations;
a harmony and floating balance between and within
contrasts-individual versus community, freedom versus equality-;and
mediation between friends and foes. As the former Israeli Prime
Minister Yitzhak Rabin put it, "you don't need to make peace with
your friends, you have to make peace with your foes." The values of
the West as well as that of the East cannot survive in a globalized
world by taking them as absolute, but only by balancing them to
those of the other great civilizations of the world.
This groundbreaking volume offers a historical comparison between
the events leading up to World War I and current global tensions
related to the economical and political rise of Asia. What are the
risks that the desire of the new super power China and great powers
like India to be recognized by the West could set off a chain of
events resulting in the nightmare of a great power war? Assessing
the similarities as well as differences between the build-up of
World War I and today, it is argued that we need to understand the
driving forces behind the scene of global politics: The conflict
between rising, established, and disintegrating powers and the
desire of recognition on all sides. Carefully dissecting the
current power dynamics in play, the authors hope to contribute to a
better understanding of world events in order to ensure that
history will not repeat itself.
Clausewitz's On War has, at least until very recently, been
regarded as the most important work of theory on its subject. But
since the end of the Cold War in 1990, and even more since the 9/11
attacks on the United states in 2001, an increasing number of
commentators have argued that On War has lost its analytical edge
as a tool for understanding war. They have argued that Clausewitz
was concerned solely with inter-state war and with properly defined
armies, and that the sorts of conflicts which he discussed are
therefore part of a historical pattern which dominated Europe
between 1648, the end of the Thirty Years War, and 1990 itself.
Some have gone further, and suggested that Clausewitz's best known
aphorism, that war is a continuation of policy by other means, is
not only irrelevant today but also inapplicable historically.
Clausewitz in the Twenty-First Century reconsiders the principal
themes in Clausewitz's writings from a contemporary perspective,
and finds in them much more inspiration and insight than these
generalisations allow. Embracing the perspectives of history,
philosophy and political science, the book reconsiders both the
text and its current implications. Traditional interpretations of
On War are put into fresh light; neglected passages are
re-examined; and new insights are derived from the conjunction
between Clausewitz's text and today's challenges. This book is a
project of the Oxford Leverhulme Programme on the Changing
Character of War.
Blending detailed contextual analysis with issues in modern-day
international relations this book provides a major new analysis of
the theory of Clausewitz and its relevance to contemporary society.
This book argues that Clausewitz developed a wide-ranging political
theory of war by reflecting on the success, the limitations, and
the failure of Napoleon's method of waging war, a theory, which is
still relevant in light of contemporary conflict. This new
interpretation is the result of reflecting on Clausewitz's theory
in light of the new developments and lays down the foundation of a
general theory of war by concentrating on Clausewitz's historical
analyses of war campaigns. For the first time analysis of three
paradigmatic military campaigns is placed at the centre of
understanding surrounding Clausewitz's 'On War': The author argues
that the limitations of Napoleon's strategy, as revealed in Russia
and in his final defeat, enabled Clausewitz to develop a general
theory of war. This book is a project of the Oxford Leverhulme
Programme on the Changing Character of War.
This groundbreaking volume offers a historical comparison between
the events leading up to World War I and current global tensions
related to the economical and political rise of Asia. What are the
risks that the desire of the new superpower China and great powers
like India to be recognized by the West could set off a chain of
events resulting in the nightmare of a great power war? Assessing
the similarities as well as differences between the build-up of
World War I and today, one needs to understand the driving forces
behind the scene of global politics: The conflict between rising,
established, and disintegrating powers and the desire for
recognition on all sides. Carefully dissecting the current power
dynamics in play, the authors hope to contribute to a better
understanding of world events in order to ensure that history will
not repeat itself.
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