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The annexation of Crimea in 2014 and Russia's support for military
insurgency in eastern Ukraine undermined two decades of cooperation
between Russia and the EU leaving both sides in a situation of
reciprocal economic sanctions and political alienation. What is
left of previous positive experiences and mutually beneficial
interactions between the two parties? And, what new communication
practices and strategies might Russia and Europe use? Previously
coherent and institutionalized spaces of communication and dialogue
between Moscow and Brussels have fragmented into relations that,
while certainly not cooperative, are also not necessarily
adversarial. Exploring these spaces, contributors consider how this
indeterminacy makes cooperation problematic, though not impossible,
and examine the shrunken, yet still existent, expanse of
interaction between Russia and the EU. Analysing to what extent
Russian foreign policy philosophy is compatible with European ideas
of democracy, and whether Russia might pragmatically profit from
the liberal democratic order, the volume also focuses on the
practical implementation of these discourses and conceptualizations
as policy instruments. This book is an important resource for
researchers in Russian and Soviet Politics, Eastern European
Politics and the policy, politics and expansion of the European
Union.
This edited volume addresses the set of politically challenging
issues that the advent of populist movements raised for individual
nation states and the whole Europe. Based on critical engagements
with the extant scholarship in comparative politics, political
philosophy, international relations, regional studies and critical
geopolitics, this collection of chapters offers the interpretation
of the contemporary populism as illiberal nationalism, and
underscores its deeply political challenge to the post-political
core of the EU project. The contributors discuss the deep
transformations within the fabric of contemporary European
societies that makes scholars rethink the post-Cold War hegemonic
understanding of liberal democracy as the dominant paradigm
destined to expand from its traditional hotbed in the West to other
regions. This edited volume intends to stretch analysis beyond the
conventional accounts of populism as an anti-elite and
extra-institutional appeal to the general public for the sake of
its mobilization against incumbent power holders, and look for more
nuanced meanings inherent to this term. The chapters in this book
were originally published in European Politics and Society and the
Journal of Contemporary European Studies.
The conflict in Ukraine and Russia's annexation of Crimea has
undoubtedly been a pivotal moment for policy makers and military
planners in Europe and beyond. Many analysts see an unexpected
character in the conflict and expect negative reverberations and a
long-lasting period of turbulence and uncertainty, the
de-legitimation of international institutions and a declining role
for global norms and rules. Did these events bring substantial
correctives and modifications to the extant conceptualization of
International Relations? Does the conflict significantly alter
previous assumptions and foster a new academic vocabulary, or, does
it confirm the validity of well-established schools of thought in
international relations? Has the crisis in Ukraine confirmed the
vitality and academic vigour of conventional concepts? These
questions are the starting points for this book covering
conceptualisations from rationalist to reflectivist, and from
quantitative to qualitative. Most contributors agree that many of
the old concepts, such as multi-polarity, spheres of influence,
sovereignty, or even containment, are still cognitively valid, yet
believe the eruption of the crisis means that they are now used in
different contexts and thus infused with different meanings. It is
these multiple, conceptual languages that the volume puts at the
centre of its analysis. This text will be of great interest to
students and scholars studying international relations, politics,
and Russian and Ukrainian studies.
The book reveals the interconnection between social, cultural and
political protest movements and social and economic changes in a
post-communist country like Russia still dominated by bureaucratic
rulers and "oligarchs" controlling all basic industries and mining
activities. Those interests are also dominating Russia's foreign
policy and explain why Russia did not succeed in becoming an
integral part of Europe. The latter is, at least, wished by many
Russian citizens.
This edited volume addresses the set of politically challenging
issues that the advent of populist movements raised for individual
nation states and the whole Europe. Based on critical engagements
with the extant scholarship in comparative politics, political
philosophy, international relations, regional studies and critical
geopolitics, this collection of chapters offers the interpretation
of the contemporary populism as illiberal nationalism, and
underscores its deeply political challenge to the post-political
core of the EU project. The contributors discuss the deep
transformations within the fabric of contemporary European
societies that makes scholars rethink the post-Cold War hegemonic
understanding of liberal democracy as the dominant paradigm
destined to expand from its traditional hotbed in the West to other
regions. This edited volume intends to stretch analysis beyond the
conventional accounts of populism as an anti-elite and
extra-institutional appeal to the general public for the sake of
its mobilization against incumbent power holders, and look for more
nuanced meanings inherent to this term. The chapters in this book
were originally published in European Politics and Society and the
Journal of Contemporary European Studies.
The annexation of Crimea in 2014 and Russia's support for military
insurgency in eastern Ukraine undermined two decades of cooperation
between Russia and the EU leaving both sides in a situation of
reciprocal economic sanctions and political alienation. What is
left of previous positive experiences and mutually beneficial
interactions between the two parties? And, what new communication
practices and strategies might Russia and Europe use? Previously
coherent and institutionalized spaces of communication and dialogue
between Moscow and Brussels have fragmented into relations that,
while certainly not cooperative, are also not necessarily
adversarial. Exploring these spaces, contributors consider how this
indeterminacy makes cooperation problematic, though not impossible,
and examine the shrunken, yet still existent, expanse of
interaction between Russia and the EU. Analysing to what extent
Russian foreign policy philosophy is compatible with European ideas
of democracy, and whether Russia might pragmatically profit from
the liberal democratic order, the volume also focuses on the
practical implementation of these discourses and conceptualizations
as policy instruments. This book is an important resource for
researchers in Russian and Soviet Politics, Eastern European
Politics and the policy, politics and expansion of the European
Union.
The conflict in Ukraine and Russia's annexation of Crimea has
undoubtedly been a pivotal moment for policy makers and military
planners in Europe and beyond. Many analysts see an unexpected
character in the conflict and expect negative reverberations and a
long-lasting period of turbulence and uncertainty, the
de-legitimation of international institutions and a declining role
for global norms and rules. Did these events bring substantial
correctives and modifications to the extant conceptualization of
International Relations? Does the conflict significantly alter
previous assumptions and foster a new academic vocabulary, or, does
it confirm the validity of well-established schools of thought in
international relations? Has the crisis in Ukraine confirmed the
vitality and academic vigour of conventional concepts? These
questions are the starting points for this book covering
conceptualisations from rationalist to reflectivist, and from
quantitative to qualitative. Most contributors agree that many of
the old concepts, such as multi-polarity, spheres of influence,
sovereignty, or even containment, are still cognitively valid, yet
believe the eruption of the crisis means that they are now used in
different contexts and thus infused with different meanings. It is
these multiple, conceptual languages that the volume puts at the
centre of its analysis. This text will be of great interest to
students and scholars studying international relations, politics,
and Russian and Ukrainian studies.
The editors reveal the interconnection between social, cultural and
political protest movements, and social and economic changes in a
post-communist country like Russia still dominated by bureaucratic
rulers and 'oligarchs' controlling all basic industries and mining
activities. Those interests are also dominating Russia's foreign
policy and explain why Russia did not succeed in becoming an
integral part of Europe. The latter is, at least, wished by many
Russian citizens.
This edited volume focuses on various forms of regionalism and
neighborhoods in the Baltic-Black Sea area. In the light of current
reshaping of borderlands and new geopolitical and military
confrontations in Europe's eastern margins, such as the annexation
of Crimea and the war in Donbas, this book analyzes different types
and modalities of regional integration and region-making from a
comparative perspective. It conceptualizes cooperative and
conflictual encounters as a series of networks and patchworks that
differently link and relate major actors to each other and thus
shape these interconnections as domains of inclusion and exclusion,
bordering and debordering, securitization and desecuritization.
This peculiar combination of geopolitics, ethnopolitics and
biopolitics makes the Baltic-Black Sea trans-national region a
source of inspiring policy practices, and, in the light of new
security risks, a matter of increased concern all over Europe. The
contributors from various disciplines cover topics such as cultural
and civilizational spaces of belonging and identity politics, the
rise of right-wing populism, region building under the condition of
multiple security pressures, and the influence and regional
strategies of different external powers, including the EU, Russia,
and Turkey, on cross- and trans-regional relations in the area.
This edited volume focuses on various forms of regionalism and
neighborhoods in the Baltic-Black Sea area. In the light of current
reshaping of borderlands and new geopolitical and military
confrontations in Europe's eastern margins, such as the annexation
of Crimea and the war in Donbas, this book analyzes different types
and modalities of regional integration and region-making from a
comparative perspective. It conceptualizes cooperative and
conflictual encounters as a series of networks and patchworks that
differently link and relate major actors to each other and thus
shape these interconnections as domains of inclusion and exclusion,
bordering and debordering, securitization and desecuritization.
This peculiar combination of geopolitics, ethnopolitics and
biopolitics makes the Baltic-Black Sea trans-national region a
source of inspiring policy practices, and, in the light of new
security risks, a matter of increased concern all over Europe. The
contributors from various disciplines cover topics such as cultural
and civilizational spaces of belonging and identity politics, the
rise of right-wing populism, region building under the condition of
multiple security pressures, and the influence and regional
strategies of different external powers, including the EU, Russia,
and Turkey, on cross- and trans-regional relations in the area.
This book focuses on the recent political trajectories within the
Baltic Sea Region from one of the success stories of regionalism in
Europe to a potential area of military confrontation between Russia
and NATO. The authors closely examine the following issues: new
security challenges for the region stemming from Russia's staunch
anti-EU and anti-NATO polices, institutions and practices of
multi-level governance in the region, and different cultural
strategies that regional actors employ. The common threads of this
innovative volume are issues of changing borders and boundaries in
the region, and logics of inclusion and exclusion that shape its
political contours. From diverse disciplinary and methodological
positions the authors explain policies of specific Baltic Sea
states, as well as structural matters that make them a region.
The edited volume explains why sport mega events can be discussed
from the viewpoint of politics and power, and what this discussion
can add to the existing scholarship on political regimes,
international norms, national identities, and cultural narratives.
The book collects case studies written by insiders from different
countries of post-Soviet Eurasia that have recently hosted- or
intend to host in the future -sporting events of a global scale.
Contributing authors discuss cultural, political, and economic
strategies of host governments, examining them from the vantage
point of an increasing shift of the global sport industry to
non-Western countries. Mega-events often draw domestic lines of
cultural and social exclusion within host's polities. It is these
ruptures and gaps this volume explores, contributing to a better
understanding of the intricate interconnections between global
institutions and national identities.
In post-Soviet Russian politics, Boris Nemtsov is one of the most
tragic figuresand not only because he was shot dead, at the age of
56, in close vicinity to the Kremlin, the locus of Russias power.
The transparency of evil in this specific case was shocking:
Nemtsovs murder was filmed by a surveillance camera. The video tape
confirms the demonstrative and insolent character of the
assassination. His death illuminated a core feature of the current
regime that tolerates, if not incites, extra-legal actions against
those it considers to be foes, traitors, or members of the Fifth
Column. In this volume Boris Nemtsov is commemorated from different
perspectives. In addition to academic papers, it includes personal
notes and reflections. The articles represent a range of
assessments of Nemtsovs personality by people for whom he was one
of the leading figures in post-Soviet politics and a major
protagonist in Russias transformation. Some authors had direct
experiences of either living in, or travelling to, Nizhny Novgorod
when Nemtsov was governor there. The plurality of opinions
collected in this volume matches the diversity and multiplicity of
Nemtsovs political legacy. The volumes contributors include: David
J. Kramer, Senior Director at the McCain Institute for
International Leadership in Washington, DC; Miguel Vazquez Linan,
Associate Professor at Seville University; Yulia Kurnyshova,
Research Fellow at the National Institute for Strategic Studies in
Kyiv; Ekaterina Smagly, Director of the Kennan Institute in Kyiv;
Henry E. Hale, Professor at The George Washington University in
Washington, DC; Howard J. Wiarda ( 2015), Professor at the
University of Georgia; Sharon Werning Rivera, Associate Professor
at Hamilton College; Tomila Lankina, Associate Professor at the
London School of Economics and Political Science; Andre Mommen (
2017), Professor at the University of Amsterdam; Stefan Meister,
Director at the German Council on Foreign Relations in Berlin;
Vladimir Gelman, Professor at the University of Helsinki; Vladimir
V. Kara-Murza, coordinator of the Open Russia movement and deputy
leader of the Peoples Freedom Party of Russia.
Special Sections: Remembering Diversity in East-Central European
Cityscapes and Russias Annexation of Crimea I. Based on up-to-date
field material, this issuefocuses onthe palimpsest-like
environments of East-Central European borderland cities. The
present shapes and contents of these urban environments derive from
combinations of cultural continuities and political ruptures,
present-day heritage industries and collective memories about the
contentious past, expressive material forms and less conspicuous
meaning-making activities of human actors; they evolve from
perpetual tensions between the choices of the present and the
weight of the past. The contributors address a set of key
questions: What is specific about the transnationalization of
memory in these urban public spaces? What are the political
rationales and ramifications of the different approaches taken to
the legacies of perished population groups in different cities? How
do these approaches relate to European dimensions of memory and the
European vector of identity-making of the contemporary urban
populations?
This timely book offers a multifaceted analysis of EU-Russian
relations, drawing on the investigation of competing models of
international society. Makarychev argues that the huge variety of
interest-based and normative models is best explained through the
study of foreign policy and identity discourses. His approach
defies simplistic explanations of EU-Russian relations as either
destined for cooperation or doomed to constant collisions. Instead,
Makarychev unveils multiple alternatives that both the EU and
Russia face in their policies toward each other. Assessing the
repercussions ongoing EU-Russian discord has on Europe and the
world, Makarychev's volume reveals the interconnectedness of the
discourses dominating the EU and Russia while also accounting for
the deep-seated disconnect between them.
This book focuses on the recent political trajectories within the
Baltic Sea Region from one of the success stories of regionalism in
Europe to a potential area of military confrontation between Russia
and NATO. The authors closely examine the following issues: new
security challenges for the region stemming from Russia's staunch
anti-EU and anti-NATO polices, institutions and practices of
multi-level governance in the region, and different cultural
strategies that regional actors employ. The common threads of this
innovative volume are issues of changing borders and boundaries in
the region, and logics of inclusion and exclusion that shape its
political contours. From diverse disciplinary and methodological
positions the authors explain policies of specific Baltic Sea
states, as well as structural matters that make them a region.
This special issue provides a forum for discussion of what
Belarusian Studies are today and which new approaches and questions
are needed to revitalize the field in the regional and
international academic arena. The major aim of the issue is to go
beyond the narratives of dictatorship and authoritarianism as well
as that of a never-ending story of failed Belarusian nationalism --
interpretive schemes that are frequently used for understanding
Belarus in scholarly literature in Western Europe and Northern
America. Bringing together ongoing research based on original
empirical material from Belarusian history, politics, and society,
this issue combines a discussion of the concept of autonomy/agency
with its applicability to trace how individual and collective
actors who define themselves as Belarusian -- or otherwise -- have
manifested their agendas in various practices in spite of and in
reaction to state pressure. This issue offers new approaches for
interpreting Belarusian society as a dynamically changing set of
agencies. In doing so, it attempts to overcome a tradition of
locating present Belarusian political and social dilemmas in its
socialist past.
Featuring a special section on Identity Clashes: Russian and
Ukrainian Debates on Culture, History, and Politics. This issue's
special section explores the discursive gaps, tensions, and
ruptures between Ukrainian and Russian narratives of national
identity. It gives the floor to Russian and Ukrainian authors with
a view to enabling analytical comparisons between the dominant
narratives in the two countries, including their cultural,
historical, and political dimensions. This juxtaposition of Russian
and Ukrainian insights is aimed at deepening our understanding of
the Russian-Ukrainian conflict.
Remembering Diversity in East-Central European Cityscapes. Based on
up-to-date field material, this issue focuses on the
palimpsest-like environments of East-Central European borderland
cities. The present shapes and contents of these urban environments
derive from combinations of cultural continuities and political
ruptures, present-day heritage industries and collective memories
about the contentious past, expressive material forms and less
conspicuous meaning-making activities of human actors; they evolve
from perpetual tensions between the choices of the present and the
weight of the past. The contributors address a set of key
questions: What is specific about the transnationalisation of
memory in these urban public spaces? What are the political
rationales and ramifications of the different approaches taken to
the legacies of perished population groups in different cities? How
do these approaches relate to European dimensions of memory and the
"European vector" of identity-making of the contemporary urban
populations?
The special issue offers an interdisciplinary approach to exploring
the questions of agency of less mainstream groups in protest
movements in patriarchal and authoritarian societies. The themes
covered include the place of feminist and gender equality movements
in democratically restricted environments, intersections between
feminism and nationalism and citizenship, possibilities of
right-wing feminism and pop-feminism, the role of gender in high
politics and the relationship between nationality and sexuality in
the context of protest movements. The journal features
contributions by scholars, human rights and gender equality
activists, and journalists, and facilitates a constructive and
wide-ranging discussion of the recent and ongoing protest movements
in Belarus, Russia, and Ukraine.
The book raises a problem of the ways the Russian and European
identities interact with each other. To answer this question, the
author applies a number of political theories, including social
constructivism, the English school and critical theories. He not
only establishes logical correlations between several models of
international society, but also explains how Russia - EU relations
might fit into each of these models, and what all this tells us
about the menu of Russian international identities.
This special issue deals with the phenomenon of violence in the
post-Soviet space. The central preoccupation is to examine both
political and legal discourses and practices of internal and
external violence, broadly conceived, in this space. Simultaneously
the special issue aspires to situate these discourses and practices
in the broader literature on political violence and ethnic and
separatist conflict, and to examine these from political, legal,
and security studies perspectives. The issue approaches the problem
of violence in the post-Soviet space from three perspectives: The
international-structural, inter-state, and domestic-political. The
contributors focus on structural sources of violence: The relevance
of the self-determination principle, the role of democratisation,
and the relationship between violent behaviour inside and outside
the state. They also analyse the role of the Russian Federation in
generating, perpetuating, and mitigating political violence.
Finally, they adopt a bottom-up approach, exploring how non-state
actors contribute to political violence.
Special Section: Multilingualism in Ukraine. Rory Finnin, Ivan
Kozachenko: Introduction: Ukraines Multilingualism. Taras
Koznarsky: The Languages and Tongues of Mykola Markevych. Myroslav
Shkandrij: Channel Switching: Language Change and the Conversion
Trope in Modern Ukrainian Literature. Laada Bilaniuk: Linguistic
Conversion in Ukraine: Nation-Building on the Self. Vitaly
Chernetsky: Ukrainian Cinema and the Challenges of Multilingualism:
From the 1930s to the Present. Iryna Shuvalova: Multilingualism in
the Songs of the War in Donbas. Olenka Bilash: Multilingualism in
the Academy: Language Dynamics in Ukraines Higher Education
Institutions. Alina Zubkovych: Language Use among Crimean Tatars in
Ukraine: Context and Practice. Special Section: Issues in the
History and Memory of the OUN III. Andreas Umland, Yuliya Yurchuk:
Introduction: The Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists and
European Fascism During World War II. Kai Struve: The OUN(b), the
Germans, and Anti-Jewish Violence in Eastern Galicia during Summer
1941. Yuri Radchenko: The Biography of the OUN(m) Activist Oleksa
Babii in the Light of His Memoirs on Escaping Execution (1942).
Tomislav Dulic, Goran Miljan: The Ustaas and Fascism: Abolitionism,
Revolution, and Ideology (192942).
"Featuring a special section on Russian Foreign Policy Towards the
'Near Abroad' Issue 4,2 deals with Russias post-Maidan foreign
policy towards the so-called near abroad, or the former Soviet
states. This is an important and timely topic, as Russias policy
perspectives have changed dramatically since 2013/2014, as have
those of its neighbors. The Kremlin today is paradoxically
following an aggressive realist agenda that seeks to clearly
delineate its sphere of influence in Europe and Eurasia while
simultaneously attempting to promote soft-power and a
historical-civilizational justification for its recent actions in
Ukraine (and elsewhere). The result is an often perplexing amalgam
of policy positions that are difficult to disentangle. The
contributors to this special issue are all regional specialists
based either in Europe or the United States. "
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