The Routledge Handbook of Europe-Korea Relations provides a comprehensive overview of the changing dynamics in relations between Europe and Korea, provided by leading experts in the field. Informed by high-quality academic research and key trilateral data and statistics, this book brings scope, balance, and depth, with wide-ranging coverage examining the history of Europe-Korea relations, the Cold War, contemporary Europe-Korea and Europe-North Korea relations, Europe and inter-Korea relations within the regional context, and relations between European countries and the Korea. Through this approach, it increases awareness of the extent and intensity of the multi-faceted and multi-layered connections between the Europe and Korea. Finally, it proposes a way forward for a future relationship between Europe and the Koreas. As a key reference point, for advanced-level students, researchers, policy-makers and journalists producing, and consuming, new material in the area and beyond, it provides an essential understanding of both the historical backdrop to, and the current crisis in, this troubled peninsula. This Handbook will be an essential reference for scholars, students, researchers and practitioners interested and working in the fields of Asian Politics/ Studies, EU Politics/Studies, European Politics/Studies, Korean Politics/Studies and International Relations. The Routledge Handbook of Europe-Korea Relations is part of the mini-series Europe in the World Handbooks examining EU-regional relations.

Bringing together an international line up of contributors, this book examines South Korea's foreign policy strategies designed to cope with the challenges of the post-Cold War regional order and the emergence of a "Korean paradox". Focusing on non-material factors in shaping the decision-making processes of primary actors, such as traditions, beliefs, and identities, this book begins by analysing the emergence of the "Asian Paradox" and explores how different political traditions have influenced South Korea's foreign and security policies. In the second part (from Chapter 4), this book goes on to deal directly with the key issues in South Korea's foreign policy today, with an emphasis on the progressive and conservative approaches to the challenges the country faces. This includes the North Korean threat, the alliance with the U.S., relations with China and Russia, the complicated relationship with Japan, and the emerging role of South Korea outside of Northeast Asia. An innovative study of the domestic sources of South Korean foreign policy, The Korean Paradox investigates South Korea's growing role at both regional and global levels. As such, it will be useful to students and scholars of Korean Studies, International Relations and East Asian Studies more generally.

Bringing together an international line up of contributors, this book examines South Korea's foreign policy strategies designed to cope with the challenges of the post-Cold War regional order and the emergence of a "Korean paradox". Focusing on non-material factors in shaping the decision-making processes of primary actors, such as traditions, beliefs, and identities, this book begins by analysing the emergence of the "Asian Paradox" and explores how different political traditions have influenced South Korea's foreign and security policies. In the second part (from Chapter 4), this book goes on to deal directly with the key issues in South Korea's foreign policy today, with an emphasis on the progressive and conservative approaches to the challenges the country faces. This includes the North Korean threat, the alliance with the U.S., relations with China and Russia, the complicated relationship with Japan, and the emerging role of South Korea outside of Northeast Asia. An innovative study of the domestic sources of South Korean foreign policy, The Korean Paradox investigates South Korea's growing role at both regional and global levels. As such, it will be useful to students and scholars of Korean Studies, International Relations and East Asian Studies more generally.

Supranational regionalism and regional integration have for a long time been top-down processes, led by the few and imposed on the many. The role of citizens, especially those active in civil society, has been neglected by scholars, students, and commentators of regionalism. In reaction to the prevalence of these top-down models, a "new regionalism" approach has proliferated in the past few years. This book aims to further develop such a research agenda by providing an up-to-date overview of the contribution of civil society to world regionalism, from Europe to Africa, Asia, and the Americas. This is not only relevant as a research topic; it is also of critical importance from a political standpoint. As regions across the world experience prolonged governance crises, it becomes paramount to understand the extent to which these new regional formations actually reflect the interests and needs of their people. While old regionalism was accepted as a de facto elite-driven byproduct of both the Cold War and neoliberal globalization, the twenty-first-century regionalism-if it is to survive-will need to refocus its objectives through new forms of participation and inclusion. Regions without citizens are unlikely to stand the test of time, especially in times of crises.

Supranational regionalism and regional integration have for a long time been top-down processes, led by the few and imposed on the many. The role of citizens, especially those active in civil society, has been neglected by scholars, students, and commentators of regionalism. In reaction to the prevalence of these top-down models, a "new regionalism" approach has proliferated in the past few years. This book aims to further develop such a research agenda by providing an up-to-date overview of the contribution of civil society to world regionalism, from Europe to Africa, Asia, and the Americas. This is not only relevant as a research topic; it is also of critical importance from a political standpoint. As regions across the world experience prolonged governance crises, it becomes paramount to understand the extent to which these new regional formations actually reflect the interests and needs of their people. While old regionalism was accepted as a de facto elite-driven byproduct of both the Cold War and neoliberal globalization, the twenty-first-century regionalism-if it is to survive-will need to refocus its objectives through new forms of participation and inclusion. Regions without citizens are unlikely to stand the test of time, especially in times of crises.