This volume examines the relationship between the development and functioning of television and concrete political and economic processes in the third world. Antonio Menendez Alarcon focuses on the Dominican Republic, where television was introduced by a dictator (Trujillo) as a form of political power, and where the old dictatorial forms have permeated the newer, supposedly democratic media. The author looks at the relationship between television network organization and control and programming; the industry's long-range effects on culture and development; and the extent to which television contributes to the free marketplace of ideas.

The methodology encompasses a set of techniques, including field research in the political democracy of the Dominican Republic (in-depth interviews and non-participant observation), content analysis, and document analysis. The results of the author's study reveal that even though some dissent is tolerated, the overall message diffused in Dominican television corresponds to the basic elements and interests of a business-oriented society; hence, the widely accepted assumption of the right to hear different opinions is subverted by the commercial role of television. According to the author, television portrayals of elections constitute dramatized rituals of democracy that legitimize the myth of political equality and collective self-determination while leading citizens to apathy and political resignation. Power and Television in Latin America should be read by all students and scholars interested in critical theory of mass media, production of culture, and sociology of Latin America.

American-German relations are in transition. A number of explanations have been given for this fact: some focusing on the personalities of politicians, some on political and attitudinal disparities, still others pointing to disagreements about foreign policy objectives since the end of the Cold War and 9/11. This volume, written by American and German scholarly experts, while not denying the relevance and validity of such explanations of the transatlantic estrangement, address the extent, resilience, and the causes of misconceptions, misunderstandings, and confrontations in the transatlantic relationship as well as highlighting commonalities and enduring ties between the U.S. and Germany. The chapters analyze domestic and foreign policies, political cultures, and compare trends in business relations, migration, culture, education, journalism, law, and religion. The authors contend that differences in political cultures, societal priorities, and national interests are inevitable, perhaps even desirable and not necessarily an obstacle to a continuous and mutually beneficial exchange or even the development of a special relationship. But first of all they need to be acknowledged, then understood, and finally dealt with in an atmosphere of mutual trust recognizing common ground. The book ends with suggestions about how to deal with different interpretations and perceptions in order to reclaim a strategic partnership for progressive changes in an increasingly multipolar world.