This book examines the current status of Mexicano and Latino politics in the United States. Political scientist and community activist Armando Navarro maintains that both represent a dysfunctional and failed mode of politics, attributable to their system maintenance and mainstream ideological orientation and approach. As colonial agents, they protect both a United States that is decaying and declining and the degenerative liberal capitalist system. Navarro argues that the United States is not a representative democracy; but in fact, is a "White Corpocratic Dictatorship" controlled by Capital, which is evolving into a Fascist State. The book provides an in-depth analysis and contention that Mexicanos and Latinos in Aztlan (Southwest) are an "occupied and internal colonized people." It argues they are the "Palestinians and Kurds" of the United States. His supposition is sustained by the book's profiles of Mexicano political history, demography, socioeconomics, electoral politics, immigration, and the Triad Crisis (e.g., Second Great Depression, Global Economic Crisis, and Global Capitalist Crisis). Each chapter provides the justification and case for Navarro's two unique alternative change models, applicable to today's bankrupt and failed Mexicano and Latino Politics in the twenty-first century. The preferred model is "Aztlan's Politics of a Nation-Within-a-Nation (APNWN)," which is based on the models of the Mormon Nation of Utah and that of French Quebec. Navarro, therefore, calls for the reformation of the United States' liberal capitalist system by way of social democracy for the empowerment of Mexicanos and Latinos. His second model is "Aztlan's Politics of Separatism" (APS), which offers two strategic options, (1) Aztlan (Southwest) becoming a separate and sovereign nation-state or (2) its reannexation and re-integration with Mexico. Navarro outlines a "plan of action" for building a New Movement designed to attain APNWN or APS. In addition, several ominous forecasts are made, such as the United States being in a state of decline and no longer a hegemonic superpower due to the rise of a multi-polar world. Moreover, Navarro attributes the United States' decline to the inherent contradictions of global capitalism. His sobering message is that if the current economic conditions are left unchanged, this will produce an "End of Times" scenario-the unleashing of the "Four Horseman of the Apocalypse."

This book examines the current status of Mexicano and Latino politics in the United States. Political scientist and community activist Armando Navarro maintains that both represent a dysfunctional and failed mode of politics, attributable to their system maintenance and mainstream ideological orientation and approach. As colonial agents, they protect both a United States that is decaying and declining and the degenerative liberal capitalist system. Navarro argues that the United States is not a representative democracy; but in fact, is a "White Corpocratic Dictatorship" controlled by Capital, which is evolving into a Fascist State. The book provides an in-depth analysis and contention that Mexicanos and Latinos in Aztlan (Southwest) are an "occupied and internal colonized people." It argues they are the "Palestinians and Kurds" of the United States. His supposition is sustained by the book's profiles of Mexicano political history, demography, socioeconomics, electoral politics, immigration, and the Triad Crisis (e.g., Second Great Depression, Global Economic Crisis, and Global Capitalist Crisis). Each chapter provides the justification and case for Navarro's two unique alternative change models, applicable to today's bankrupt and failed Mexicano and Latino Politics in the twenty-first century. The preferred model is "Aztlan's Politics of a Nation-Within-a-Nation (APNWN)," which is based on the models of the Mormon Nation of Utah and that of French Quebec. Navarro, therefore, calls for the reformation of the United States' liberal capitalist system by way of social democracy for the empowerment of Mexicanos and Latinos. His second model is "Aztlan's Politics of Separatism" (APS), which offers two strategic options, (1) Aztlan (Southwest) becoming a separate and sovereign nation-state or (2) its reannexation and re-integration with Mexico. Navarro outlines a "plan of action" for building a New Movement designed to attain APNWN or APS. In addition, several ominous forecasts are made, such as the United States being in a state of decline and no longer a hegemonic superpower due to the rise of a multi-polar world. Moreover, Navarro attributes the United States' decline to the inherent contradictions of global capitalism. His sobering message is that if the current economic conditions are left unchanged, this will produce an "End of Times" scenario-the unleashing of the "Four Horseman of the Apocalypse."

Immigration remains one of the most pressing and polarizing issues in the United States. In The Immigration Crisis, the political scientist and social activist Armando Navarro takes a hard look at 400 years of immigration into the territories that now form the United States, paying particular attention to the ways in which immigrants have been received. The book provides a political, historical, and theoretical examination of the laws, personalities, organizations, events, and demographics that have shaped four centuries of immigration and led to the widespread social crisis that today divides citizens, non-citizens, regions, and political parties. As a prominent activist, Navarro has participated broadly in the Mexican-American community's responses to the problems of immigration and integration, and his book also provides a powerful glimpse into the actual working of Hispanic social movements. In a sobering conclusion, Navarro argues that the immigration crisis is inextricably linked to the globalization of capital and the American economy's dependence on cheap labor.

Immigration remains one of the most pressing and polarizing issues in the United States. In The Immigration Crisis, the political scientist and social activist Armando Navarro takes a hard look at 400 years of immigration into the territories that now form the United States, paying particular attention to the ways in which immigrants have been received. The book provides a political, historical, and theoretical examination of the laws, personalities, organizations, events, and demographics that have shaped four centuries of immigration and led to the widespread social crisis that today divides citizens, non-citizens, regions, and political parties. As a prominent activist, Navarro has participated broadly in the Mexican-American community's responses to the problems of immigration and integration, and his book also provides a powerful glimpse into the actual working of Hispanic social movements. In a sobering conclusion, Navarro argues that the immigration crisis is inextricably linked to the globalization of capital and the American economy's dependence on cheap labor.

This exciting new volume from Armando Navarro offers the most current and comprehensive political history of the Mexicano experience in the United States. He examines in-depth topics such as American political culture, electoral politics, demography, and organizational development. Viewing Mexicanos today as an occupied and colonized people, he calls for the formation of a new movement to reinvigorate the struggle for resistance and change among Mexicanos. Navarro envisions a new political and cultural landscape as the dominant Latino population 'Re-Mexicanizes' the U.S. into a more multicultural and multiethnic society. This book will be a valuable resource for political and social activists and teaching tool for political theory, Latino politics, ethnic and minority politics, race relations in the United States, and social movements.

In this comprehensive work, Armando Navarro delivers a timely analysis of the global capitalist crisis that has arisen in the United States. Navarro offers a wide-ranging political historical analysis of events that led up to the present so-called "Second Great Depression." Starting with the end of World War II, he tracks the various political and economic decisions that have led to the emergence of the global economic crisis that began in 2006. He provides context for the current economic situation by discussing the major economic and political events, including the Great Depression, the New Deal, the rise of neo-liberal capitalism, and the collapse of the subprime mortgage industry. Navarro incisively reviews and critiques the Obama administration and Democrats' quasi-welfare capitalist legislation. Driven by social democratic models, he constructs a transformative social movement paradigm that calls for the rise of reform and proposes dramatic systemic change. Navarro concludes by looking at the U.S. political culture-what he contends is the major obstacle to the rise of "socialism" in the United States-and speculates about the potentially bleak economic future to come.

The Werewolf is a boldly drawn novel of the tyranny of love over men and women and the unending trials of strength between good and evil in human nature. Its main characters are of heroic stature yet deeply flawed, moving against the backdrop of Norwegian society from World War I to the 1960s. Over the novel broods the symbol of the Werewolf, which for Sandemose represents all the forces hostile to a full, free life the thirst for power over others lives, the lust to destroy what cannot be possessed or controlled. In their private encounters with the Werewolf, few can claim total victory. Sandemose s characters all bear the scars of lost battles. "

La historia de Cuba se circunscribe erroneamente para muchos al proceso revolucionario que la mantiene secuestrada desde 1959. La construccion del socialismo y el antinorteamericanismo militante han sido las coartadas para justificar dicho secuestro; para consagrar a un individuo carismatico y paranoide como lider de la revolucion mundial, para camuflar "errores" que no lo son y exhibir logros inexistentes. La violencia y la intimidacion han sido los instrumentos para inducir la desesperanza, fomentar el sometimiento, estimular la simulacion como estrategia de supervivencia, y para empujar a millones de cubanos a la enajenacion, al suicidio o al exodo sin retorno. Cuba, el socialismo y sus exodos muestra la realidad cubana del ultimo medio siglo combinando (en un simil cinematografico) encuadres de planos cortos para analizar las partes, con planos abiertos para apreciar totalidades. El hilo conductor de la narracion es la memoria y las vivencias del autor, lo que le imprime autenticidad, calidez y cercania al relato.

La historia de Cuba se circunscribe erroneamente para muchos al proceso revolucionario que la mantiene secuestrada desde 1959. La construccion del socialismo y el antinorteamericanismo militante han sido las coartadas para justificar dicho secuestro; para consagrar a un individuo carismatico y paranoide como lider de la revolucion mundial, para camuflar "errores" que no lo son y exhibir logros inexistentes. La violencia y la intimidacion han sido los instrumentos para inducir la desesperanza, fomentar el sometimiento, estimular la simulacion como estrategia de supervivencia, y para empujar a millones de cubanos a la enajenacion, al suicidio o al exodo sin retorno. Cuba, el socialismo y sus exodos muestra la realidad cubana del ultimo medio siglo combinando (en un simil cinematografico) encuadres de planos cortos para analizar las partes, con planos abiertos para apreciar totalidades. El hilo conductor de la narracion es la memoria y las vivencias del autor, lo que le imprime autenticidad, calidez y cercania al relato.

Among the protest movements of the 1960s, the Mexican American Youth Organization (MAYO) emerged as one of the principal Chicano organizations seeking social change. By the time MAYO evolved into the Raza Unida Party (RUP) in 1972, its influence had spread far beyond its Crystal City, Texas, origins. Its members precipitated some thirty-nine school walkouts, demonstrated against the Vietnam War, and confronted church and governmental bodies on numerous occasions.

Armando Navarro here offers the first comprehensive assessment of MAYO's history, politics, leadership, ideology, strategies and tactics, and activist program. Interviews with many MAYO and RUP organizers and members, as well as first-hand knowledge drawn from his own participation in meetings, presentations, and rallies, enrich the text.

This wealth of material yields the first reliable history of this extremely vocal and visible catalyst of the Chicano Movement. The book will add significantly to our understanding of Sixties protest movements and the social and political conditions that gave them birth.