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In the current environment, most political violence occurs between
internal communities, such as ethnic and religious groups, rather
than between states. Such inter-communal conflict threatens both
internal political stability and interstate relations. In this
edited volume, a multidisciplinary and multinational group of
scholars analyze the bases of inter-communal conflict and its
domestic and international consequences. The authors focus on
inter-communal conflict through the lenses of political struggles
in the Middle East and Asia, which provide fertile grounds for
assessing the viability of new social constructions and the
continuing impact of ancestral ties. Containing theoretical,
regional, and country studies, the chapters tackle such issues as:
the implications of changes in the institutional rules for
political competition; how explanatory narratives for conflict are
selected when multiple attributions are possible; the bases of
ideological conflict that have arisen within Islam; the problems of
ethnic competition that remain unresolved in powersharing
arrangements; the consequences for international relations when
national boundaries do not circumscribe ethnic and religious
communities; and the subordination of women's interests to
religious conflict and its resolution. Since identities are shaped
by multiple qualities, the contributions examine the role of
ideologies, institutions, and politicians in shaping political
cleavages, communities, and conflicts. This book was originally
published as a special issue of Ethnic and Racial Studies.
In the current environment, most political violence occurs between
internal communities, such as ethnic and religious groups, rather
than between states. Such inter-communal conflict threatens both
internal political stability and interstate relations. In this
edited volume, a multidisciplinary and multinational group of
scholars analyze the bases of inter-communal conflict and its
domestic and international consequences. The authors focus on
inter-communal conflict through the lenses of political struggles
in the Middle East and Asia, which provide fertile grounds for
assessing the viability of new social constructions and the
continuing impact of ancestral ties. Containing theoretical,
regional, and country studies, the chapters tackle such issues as:
the implications of changes in the institutional rules for
political competition; how explanatory narratives for conflict are
selected when multiple attributions are possible; the bases of
ideological conflict that have arisen within Islam; the problems of
ethnic competition that remain unresolved in powersharing
arrangements; the consequences for international relations when
national boundaries do not circumscribe ethnic and religious
communities; and the subordination of women's interests to
religious conflict and its resolution. Since identities are shaped
by multiple qualities, the contributions examine the role of
ideologies, institutions, and politicians in shaping political
cleavages, communities, and conflicts. This book was originally
published as a special issue of Ethnic and Racial Studies.
The twentieth century witnessed an explosion of new nations carved
out of existing ramshackle empires and multiethnic states. Many
observers contend that the creation of new states will continue
indefinitely, with the two hundred of today becoming the four
hundred of tomorrow as more groups seek independence. This
provocative and compelling book explores the impact of
globalization and terrorism on this trend, arguing convincingly
that the era of national self-determination has finally come to an
end. Examining the forces that determine the emergence of new
nation-states, the distinguished contributors consider a rich array
of specific cases from the Middle East, Asia, North America,
Europe, and Russia where new states could be created. They contend
that globalization, rather than expanding such opportunities, is
not as friendly to new weak states with limited resources as it is
to established rich nations. Given the vast sums circulating in the
world market, few fledgling nations can be financially independent.
They find it more prudent to shelter within the protective embrace
of existing federations. Equally, governments of federal states can
induce restive petitioners_such as Quebec, Scotland, and the
Basques_to remain inside the metropolitan boundary through a system
of tangible restraints and rewards. Those who reject the benefits,
such as rebels in Chechnya and Aceh, will fail in their bids for
independence. Taiwan_poised on a knife-edge between integration
with China and independence_faces a series of costs and diminished
returns if it seeks full statehood. Finally, terrorism has lost its
legitimacy as a technique for gaining independence in the eyes of
the international community. Despite the stall in new state
formation, there has been no sign of successful military or
imperial expansion by established countries toward consolidation
into fewer, larger national units. Neither aggression by regional
states_such as the Iraq invasion of Kuwait in 1990, nor
intervention_such as the U.S. occupation of Iraq in 2003, are
likely to succeed. On balance, the book concludes, discontented
national movements will have to find ways to exist within current
geopolitical boundaries.
The twentieth century witnessed an explosion of new nations carved
out of existing ramshackle empires and multiethnic states. Many
observers contend that the creation of new states will continue
indefinitely, with the two hundred of today becoming the four
hundred of tomorrow as more groups seek independence. This
provocative and compelling book explores the impact of
globalization and terrorism on this trend, arguing convincingly
that the era of national self-determination has finally come to an
end. Examining the forces that determine the emergence of new
nation-states, the distinguished contributors consider a rich array
of specific cases from the Middle East, Asia, North America,
Europe, and Russia where new states could be created. They contend
that globalization, rather than expanding such opportunities, is
not as friendly to new weak states with limited resources as it is
to established rich nations. Given the vast sums circulating in the
world market, few fledgling nations can be financially independent.
They find it more prudent to shelter within the protective embrace
of existing federations. Equally, governments of federal states can
induce restive petitioners such as Quebec, Scotland, and the
Basques to remain inside the metropolitan boundary through a system
of tangible restraints and rewards. Those who reject the benefits,
such as rebels in Chechnya and Aceh, will fail in their bids for
independence. Taiwan poised on a knife-edge between integration
with China and independence faces a series of costs and diminished
returns if it seeks full statehood. Finally, terrorism has lost its
legitimacy as a technique for gaining independence in the eyes of
the international community. Despite the stall in new state
formation, there has been no sign of successful military or
imperial expansion by established countries toward consolidation
into fewer, larger national units. Neither aggression by regional
states such as the Iraq invasion of Kuwait in 1990, nor
intervention such as the U.S. occupation"
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