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Can electoral and parliamentary arenas be used toward revolutionary
ends? This is precisely the question that held Lenin's attention
from 1905 to 1917, leading him to conclude that they could-and
would. This book explores the time in which Lenin initiated his use
of the electorate, beginning with the Marxist roots of Lenin's
politics, and then details his efforts to lead the deputies of the
Russian Social Democratic Labor Party in the First and Second State
Dumas, concluding with Russia's first experiment in representative
democracy from 1906 to 1907. During this time, Lenin had to address
issues such as whether to boycott or participate in undemocratic
elections, how to conduct election campaigns, whether to enter into
electoral blocs and the related lesser of two evils dilemma, how to
keep deputies accountable to the party, and how to balance
electoral politics with armed struggle. Lenin later said that the
lessons of that work were 'indispensable' for Bolshevik success in
1917, which means that this detailed analysis of that period is
crucial to any thorough understanding of Leninism.
Can electoral and parliamentary arenas be used toward revolutionary
ends? This is precisely the question that held Lenin's attention
from 1905 to 1917, leading him to conclude that they could-and
would. This book explores the time in which Lenin initiated his use
of the electorate, beginning with the Marxist roots of Lenin's
politics, and then details his efforts to lead the deputies of the
Russian Social Democratic Labor Party in the First and Second State
Dumas, concluding with Russia's first experiment in representative
democracy from 1906 to 1907. During this time, Lenin had to address
issues such as whether to boycott or participate in undemocratic
elections, how to conduct election campaigns, whether to enter into
electoral blocs and the related lesser of two evils dilemma, how to
keep deputies accountable to the party, and how to balance
electoral politics with armed struggle. Lenin later said that the
lessons of that work were 'indispensable' for Bolshevik success in
1917, which means that this detailed analysis of that period is
crucial to any thorough understanding of Leninism.
As a young militant in the 26th of July Movement, Esteban Morales
Dominguez participated in the overthrow of the Batista regime and
the triumph of the Cuban Revolution. The revolutionaries, he
understood, sought to establish a more just and egalitarian
society. But Morales Dominguez, an Afro-Cuban, knew that the
complicated question of race could not be ignored, or simply willed
away in a post-revolutionary context. Today, he is one of Cuba's
most prominent Afro-Cuban intellectuals and its leading authority
on the race question. Available for the first time in English, the
essays collected here describe the problem of racial inequality in
Cuba, provide evidence of its existence, constructively criticize
efforts by the Cuban political leadership to end discrimination,
and point to a possible way forward. Morales Dominguez surveys the
major advancements in race relations that occurred as a result of
the revolution, but does not ignore continuing signs of inequality
and discrimination. Instead, he argues that the revolution must be
an ongoing process and that to truly transform society it must
continue to confront the question of race in Cuba.
While Alexis de Tocqueville described America as the 'absolute
democracy,' Karl Marx saw the nation as a 'defiled republic' so
long as it permitted the enslavement of blacks. In this insightful
political history, Nimtz argues that Marx and his partner,
Frederick Engels, had a far more acute and insightful reading of
American democracy than Tocqueville because they recognized that
the overthrow of slavery and the cessation of racial oppression
were central to its realization. Nimtz's account contrasts both the
writings and the civil action of Tocqueville, Marx and Engels,
noting that Marx and Engels actively mobilized the German-American
community in opposition to the slavocracy prior to the Civil War,
and that Marx heavily supported the Union cause. This potent and
insightful investigation into the approaches of two major thinkers
provides fresh insight into past and present debates about race and
democracy in America.
While Alexis de Tocqueville described America as the 'absolute
democracy, ' Karl Marx saw the nation as a 'defiled republic' so
long as it permitted the enslavement of blacks. In this insightful
political history, Nimtz argues that Marx and his partner,
Frederick Engels, had a far more acute and insightful reading of
American democracy than Tocqueville because they recognized that
the overthrow of slavery and the cessation of racial oppression
were central to its realization. Nimtz's account contrasts both the
writings and the civil action of Tocqueville, Marx and Engels,
noting that Marx and Engels actively mobilized the German-American
community in opposition to the slavocracy prior to the Civil War,
and that Marx heavily supported the Union cause. This potent and
insightful investigation into the approaches of two major thinkers
provides fresh insight into past and present debates about race and
democracy in America
As a young militant in the 26th of July Movement, Esteban Morales
Dominguez participated in the overthrow of the Batista regime and
the triumph of the Cuban Revolution. The revolutionaries, he
understood, sought to establish a more just and egalitarian
society. But Morales Dominguez, an Afro-Cuban, knew that the
complicated question of race could not be ignored, or simply willed
away in a post-revolutionary context. Today, he is one of Cuba's
most prominent Afro-Cuban intellectuals and its leading authority
on the race question. Available for the first time in English, the
essays collected here describe the problem of racial inequality in
Cuba, provide evidence of its existence, constructively criticize
efforts by the Cuban political leadership to end discrimination,
and point to a possible way forward. Morales Dominguez surveys the
major advancements in race relations that occurred as a result of
the revolution, but does not ignore continuing signs of inequality
and discrimination. Instead, he argues that the revolution must be
an ongoing process and that to truly transform society it must
continue to confront the question of race in Cuba.
This book is the first full-length study of Lenin's party building
project and writings on elections, looking in detail at his
leadership of the Bolshevik wing of the Russian Social Democratic
Labor Party in the four state Dumas from 1906 to the beginning of
the First World War.
"An extraordinary work of political historical analysis that
methodically and convincingly argues for the superiority of a
Marxist approach for pursuing democracy. Rich in historical detail
and thoroughly engrossing in portraying the real-time analyses of
and intervention in crucial events by prominent Marxist and liberal
theorists and political actors, Marxism versus Liberalism is a
truly impressive achievement that will have an enduring appeal."
-John F. Sitton, Professor Emeritus, Political Science, Indiana
University of Pennsylvania, USA Performing a comparative real-time
political analysis, Marxism versus Liberalism presents convincing
evidence to sustain two similarly audacious claims: firstly, that
Karl Marx and Frederick Engels collectively had better democratic
credentials than Alexis de Tocqueville and John Stuart Mill; and
secondly, that Vladimir Lenin had better democratic credentials
than Max Weber and Woodrow Wilson. When the two sets of
protagonists are compared and contrasted in how they read and
responded to big political events in motion, this book contends
that these Marxists proved to be better democrats than the
history's most prominent Liberals. Exploring the historical
scenarios of The European Spring of 1848, the United States Civil
War, the 1905 Russian Revolution, the 1917 Russian Revolution, and
the end of World War I, Marxism versus Liberalism carefully tests
each claim in order to challenge assumed political wisdom.
August Nimtz uncovers attempts to chart a course between plain
opportunism and anarchist rejections of the electoral arena.
Instead, electoral campaigns are seen as crucial for developing
political education and organization, and as a key way to measure
your forces and communicate with the wider population. As radical
left reformist projects, exemplified by Sanders and Corbyn, once
again become a political force and the left has to think about what
it means to run for office in a capitalist state, it's a good time
to look back at how the left has historically conducted such
debates.
"An extraordinary work of political historical analysis that
methodically and convincingly argues for the superiority of a
Marxist approach for pursuing democracy. Rich in historical detail
and thoroughly engrossing in portraying the real-time analyses of
and intervention in crucial events by prominent Marxist and liberal
theorists and political actors, Marxism versus Liberalism is a
truly impressive achievement that will have an enduring appeal."
-John F. Sitton, Professor Emeritus, Political Science, Indiana
University of Pennsylvania, USA Performing a comparative real-time
political analysis, Marxism versus Liberalism presents convincing
evidence to sustain two similarly audacious claims: firstly, that
Karl Marx and Frederick Engels collectively had better democratic
credentials than Alexis de Tocqueville and John Stuart Mill; and
secondly, that Vladimir Lenin had better democratic credentials
than Max Weber and Woodrow Wilson. When the two sets of
protagonists are compared and contrasted in how they read and
responded to big political events in motion, this book contends
that these Marxists proved to be better democrats than the
history's most prominent Liberals. Exploring the historical
scenarios of The European Spring of 1848, the United States Civil
War, the 1905 Russian Revolution, the 1917 Russian Revolution, and
the end of World War I, Marxism versus Liberalism carefully tests
each claim in order to challenge assumed political wisdom.
Islam and Politics in East Africa was first published in 1980.
Minnesota Archive Editions uses digital technology to make
long-unavailable books once again accessible, and are published
unaltered from the original University of Minnesota Press editions.
Focusing on the interplay of religion, society, and politics,
August Nimtz examines the role of sufi tariqas (brotherhoods) in
Tanzania, where he observed an African Muslim society at first
hand. Nimtz opens this book with a historical account of Islam in
East Africa, and in subsequent chapters analyzes the role of
tariqas in Tanzania and, more specifically, in the coastal city of
Bagamoyo. Using a conceptual framework derived from contemporary
political theories on social cleavages and individual interests.
Nimtz explains why the tariqa is important in the process of
political change. The fundamental cleavage in Muslim East Africa,
he notes, is that of "whites" versus blacks. Nimtz contends that
the tariqus, in serving the interest of blacks (that is, Africans),
became in turn vehicles for the mass mobilization of African
Muslims during the anti-colonial struggle. In Bagamoyo he finds a
similar process and, in addition, reveals that the tariqas have
served African interests in opposition to those of "whites" because
of the individual benefits they provide. At the same time, Nimtz
concludes, the social structure of East African Muslim society has
ensured that Africans would be particularly attracted to these
benefits. This work will interest both observers of African
political development and specialists in the Islamic studies.
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