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He, Breen and Allison-Reumann combine qualitative and quantitative
research to compare the successes and failures of attempts at
Federalism in Asian countries. Federalism is an increasingly common
approach to improving governance and resolving ethnic conflict in
Asia. However, Asian federalism faces three thorny problems. First,
the ethnic federalism paradigm dominates political and intellectual
life, rendering political compromise difficult and creating an
obstacle to establishing or improving federalism in Asia. Second,
religious fundamentalism and secular refusal to accommodate
religious demands pose an existential threat to federal politics.
Third, a majoritarian democracy is itself a threat to federalism in
Asia, and the peace and stability that it is meant to underpin.
Through a truly comparative analysis, He, Breen and Allison-Reumann
investigate the potential for a hybrid-ethnic approach, religious
moderation and deliberative democracy to overcome these challenges.
They analyse cases from across Asia – both successes and
failures. These include countries encompassing the first generation
of federalism in Asia - India, Malaysia and Pakistan - and
challenges faced by the new, emerging and aspiring federal states,
namely Nepal, Myanmar, and Sri Lanka. They demonstrate how
federalism can be achieved through compromise and a continual
renegotiation of its underpinning values. A vital resource for
scholars of political systems in Asia, and of federalism more
broadly.
By exploring the "China factor" in the North Korean human rights
debate, this book evaluates the advantages and disadvantages of
applying the Chinese development-based approach to human rights in
the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK). The contributors
to this book treat the relevance of the Chinese experience to the
DPRK seriously and evaluate how it might apply to easing North
Korean human rights issues.They engage with the debate about the
relevance of the developmental or development-based approach to
North Korea. In doing so, they problematise, scrutinise and
contextualise the development-based approach in Northeast Asia,
including China, and examine different responses to the
developmental approach and the influence of domestic politics on
these responses. A valuable contribution to discussions on possible
ways forward for human rights in North Korea and an insightful
critique of the Northeast Asian development model more broadly.
By exploring the "China factor" in the North Korean human rights
debate, this book evaluates the advantages and disadvantages of
applying the Chinese development-based approach to human rights in
the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK). The contributors
to this book treat the relevance of the Chinese experience to the
DPRK seriously and evaluate how it might apply to easing North
Korean human rights issues.They engage with the debate about the
relevance of the developmental or development-based approach to
North Korea. In doing so, they problematise, scrutinise and
contextualise the development-based approach in Northeast Asia,
including China, and examine different responses to the
developmental approach and the influence of domestic politics on
these responses. A valuable contribution to discussions on possible
ways forward for human rights in North Korea and an insightful
critique of the Northeast Asian development model more broadly.
Featuring cases from India, China, Nepal, Japan, South Korea,
Singapore, Mongolia and Malaysia, the authors demonstrate and
compare the differing uses of public deliberation in Asia. Many
countries in Asia have long traditions of public deliberation, in
both democratic and undemocratic settings, some of which continue
today. Yet in the face of pressures from complex governance,
popular protests and democratization, certain deliberative
practices - notably deliberative polling - have been 'parachuted'
into the region without regard to historical or traditional
practices of deliberation. And, the motivations differ. Some states
have made use of public deliberation in order to contain dissent,
while others have more emancipatory goals in mind. The contributors
to this book take a comparative perspective on the emergence and
evolution of deliberative practices in Asia, and their
relationships with democracy. They analyse the main motivations for
introducing public deliberation in different political regimes and
the effectiveness of public deliberation in Asian countries for
solving problems and improving governance. In doing so they
evaluate whether deliberative democratic tools, can apply to all
societies regardless of their political and cultural differences.
Essential reading for students and scholars of Asian Politics, this
book will also be of great use to all political scientists with an
interest in deliberative democracy.
Featuring cases from India, China, Nepal, Japan, South Korea,
Singapore, Mongolia and Malaysia, the authors demonstrate and
compare the differing uses of public deliberation in Asia. Many
countries in Asia have long traditions of public deliberation, in
both democratic and undemocratic settings, some of which continue
today. Yet in the face of pressures from complex governance,
popular protests and democratization, certain deliberative
practices - notably deliberative polling - have been 'parachuted'
into the region without regard to historical or traditional
practices of deliberation. And, the motivations differ. Some states
have made use of public deliberation in order to contain dissent,
while others have more emancipatory goals in mind. The contributors
to this book take a comparative perspective on the emergence and
evolution of deliberative practices in Asia, and their
relationships with democracy. They analyse the main motivations for
introducing public deliberation in different political regimes and
the effectiveness of public deliberation in Asian countries for
solving problems and improving governance. In doing so they
evaluate whether deliberative democratic tools, can apply to all
societies regardless of their political and cultural differences.
Essential reading for students and scholars of Asian Politics, this
book will also be of great use to all political scientists with an
interest in deliberative democracy.
Until now there have been few attempts to examine the different
models of federalism appropriate in Asia, let alone to trace the
extent to which these different perspectives are compatible,
converging, or mutually influencing each other. This book redresses
the balance by demonstrating the varieties of Asian federalism.
Federalism in Asia explores the range of theoretical perspectives
that shape debates over federalism in general, and over
territorial, multinational, hybrid, and asymmetric federalism in
particular relation to Asia. The contributors share their
understanding of how federal or quasi-federal institutions manage
ethnic conflicts and accommodate differences, how democratization
facilitates the development of federalism and how federalism
facilitates or inhibits democratization in Asia. Their conclusion
is that hybrid federalism or quasi-federalism is more prevalent in
some Asian countries than others; and the need and potential for
greater federalism in more Asian countries makes this sortie into
this area worthwhile. While federalism is relevant to Asia, the
working pattern of Asian federalism does not necessarily follow a
Western style. Hybrid federal institutional design can be seen as
an Asian strategy of managing ethnic conflicts through federal
arrangements. This unique book will be of great interest to a wide
range of scholars and researchers who work on issues of federalism,
political economy, public policy, ethnic relations, cultural
diversity and democratization in the Asian region. Policymakers and
activists dealing with issues of minority rights and ethnic
conflict in the region, government officials and NGOs within Asia,
and officials in international agencies and organizations will also
find much to engage them.
Deepening regionalism in Asia demands new leadership. Strong elites
who are committed to a supranational identity are a minimum
requirement of successful regionalism. Regional leaders are
increasingly seen as a new set of leaders in Europe. Currently,
Asian regional leaders largely come from the diplomacy community,
or trade and economic sectors. Yet further regionalization demands
a new type of leadership from civil society and citizens. In this
context it is important to cultivate new regional leadership
through the development of regional citizenship. This book examines
contested ideas of regionalism in Asia with a particular focus on
two competing ideas of pan-Asianism and Pacificism. It also
identifies a new trend and contestation, the fundamental shift from
a civilization understanding of regionalism to a technocratic and
functional understanding of regionalism in the form of regulatory
regionalism. It also examines the other contested imaginations of
regionalism in Asia including elitist versus participatory
approaches to regionalism, and democracy-centric versus
nationalism-centric approaches to regionalism.
This title was first published in 2000: This text aims to provide a
clear understanding of the complex relationship that exists between
nationalism, national identity, the state, the direction and trend
of China's transition and the subsequent prospects for
democratization. While describing the rise of Chinese nationalism
and the accompanying discourse on Chinese national identity, it
focuses on the national identity question and its impact on
democratization. The text argues that Chinese nationalism is not
monolithic and that popular Chinese nationalism attempts to exclude
the role of the party-state in defining national identity. Most
importantly, it has the potential to demand democratic reform and
push for democratization in China. Nevertheless, the alliance
between nationalism and democracy will expedient. Chinese
nationalism, whether official or popular, comes into conflict with
democracy when it confronts the national identity/boundary problem.
They clash with each other where territoriality is involved. The
Chinese nationalist solution to the problem is logically and
inherently opposed to the contemporary trend towards democracy.
Deepening regionalism in Asia demands new leadership. Strong elites
who are committed to a supranational identity are a minimum
requirement of successful regionalism. Regional leaders are
increasingly seen as a new set of leaders in Europe. Currently,
Asian regional leaders largely come from the diplomacy community,
or trade and economic sectors. Yet further regionalization demands
a new type of leadership from civil society and citizens. In this
context it is important to cultivate new regional leadership
through the development of regional citizenship. This book examines
contested ideas of regionalism in Asia with a particular focus on
two competing ideas of pan-Asianism and Pacificism. It also
identifies a new trend and contestation, the fundamental shift from
a civilization understanding of regionalism to a technocratic and
functional understanding of regionalism in the form of regulatory
regionalism. It also examines the other contested imaginations of
regionalism in Asia including elitist versus participatory
approaches to regionalism, and democracy-centric versus
nationalism-centric approaches to regionalism.
Until now there have been few attempts to examine the different
models of federalism appropriate in Asia, let alone to trace the
extent to which these different perspectives are compatible,
converging, or mutually influencing each other. This book redresses
the balance by demonstrating the varieties of Asian federalism.
Federalism in Asia explores the range of theoretical perspectives
that shape debates over federalism in general, and over
territorial, multinational, hybrid, and asymmetric federalism in
particular relation to Asia. The contributors share their
understanding of how federal or quasi-federal institutions manage
ethnic conflicts and accommodate differences, how democratization
facilitates the development of federalism and how federalism
facilitates or inhibits democratization in Asia. Their conclusion
is that hybrid federalism or quasi-federalism is more prevalent in
some Asian countries than others; and the need and potential for
greater federalism in more Asian countries makes this sortie into
this area worthwhile. While federalism is relevant to Asia, the
working pattern of Asian federalism does not necessarily follow a
Western style. Hybrid federal institutional design can be seen as
an Asian strategy of managing ethnic conflicts through federal
arrangements. This unique book will be of great interest to a wide
range of scholars and researchers who work on issues of federalism,
political economy, public policy, ethnic relations, cultural
diversity and democratization in the Asian region. Policymakers and
activists dealing with issues of minority rights and ethnic
conflict in the region, government officials and NGOs within Asia,
and officials in international agencies and organizations will also
find much to engage them.
This book investigates whether the theory of "deliberative
democracy"--developed in the West to focus democratic theory on the
legitimation that deliberation can afford--has any application to
Chinese processes of democratization. It discovers pockets of
theory especially useful to guide Chinese practices and pockets of
Chinese practice that can, in turn, educate the West on
possibilities for innovative uses of deliberative democratic
theory.
This title was first published in 2000: This text aims to provide a
clear understanding of the complex relationship that exists between
nationalism, national identity, the state, the direction and trend
of China's transition and the subsequent prospects for
democratization. While describing the rise of Chinese nationalism
and the accompanying discourse on Chinese national identity, it
focuses on the national identity question and its impact on
democratization. The text argues that Chinese nationalism is not
monolithic and that popular Chinese nationalism attempts to exclude
the role of the party-state in defining national identity. Most
importantly, it has the potential to demand democratic reform and
push for democratization in China. Nevertheless, the alliance
between nationalism and democracy will expedient. Chinese
nationalism, whether official or popular, comes into conflict with
democracy when it confronts the national identity/boundary problem.
They clash with each other where territoriality is involved. The
Chinese nationalist solution to the problem is logically and
inherently opposed to the contemporary trend towards democracy.
Policymaking and Democracy is the first volume of a three-volume
set that examines the multi-dimensional role of policy in the
development and promotion of democracy, prosperity, and peace. The
democracy volume brings together international contributions on the
policy challenges faced by national and multinational bodies to
promote a democratic political culture and encourage the growth and
development of civil society. The work includes chapters on
integration and representation within the European Union, the
expanding role of NGOs and IGOs, international parliamentary
organs, the future of the nation-state in a pluralistic world, and
the mportance of global consensus-building.
Native scholars offer clearly written coverage of the relationship
between post-Soviet and Asian political parties and democracy in
their nations. Political Parties and Democracy: Volume III:
Post-Soviet and Asian Political Parties is the third volume in this
five-volume set. It offers clearly written, up-to-date coverage of
post-Soviet and Asian political parties from the unique perspective
of distinguished indigenous scholars who have lived the truths they
tell and, thus, write with unique breadth, depth, and scope.
Presented in two parts, this volume overviews post-Soviet parties,
then discusses the realities on the ground in Georgia, Moldova,
Russia, and Ukraine. Likewise, the book offers an introduction to
Asian political parties, followed by chapters on China, India,
Japan, Malaysia, and South Korea. Throughout, contributors explore
the relationship between political parties and democracy (or
democratization) in their respective nations, providing necessary
historical, socioeconomic, and institutional context, and
clarifying the balance of power among parties—and between them
and competing agencies of power—today.
This book problematises China's current policies towards Tibet and
Taiwan and offers a fresh democratic approach. When it comes to
talking about democracy in China, Chinese nationalists argue that
it cannot solve China's problems, while Chinese liberals remain
unduly silenced. But China is facing a national identity crisis,
compounded by Tibet and Taiwan, where significant proportions of
both populations do not identify with the Chinese nation state.
Could democracy realistically address the problems in China's
national identity? Baogang He opens up a dialogue in which Chinese
liberals can offer viable alternatives in defence of key democratic
principles and governance. He upholds the search for a political
space in which democratic governance in China can feasibly be
developed. It problematises existing hard liners' realist policies
towards Tibet and Taiwan by examining how democracy can or cannot
provide an answer. It examines the different meanings, practices,
institutions and various impacts of democracy with regards to the
problem of China's national identity. It presents the difficulties
and obstacles to the democratic approach to the respective Tibet
and Taiwan questions.
The order of international relations in Asia is predominantly
state-centric. It is one based primarily on absolute national
sovereignty, exclusive national identity and patriotic national
citizenship. This sovereignty-based or state-centered order,
however, has been challenged and progressively undermined by a
people-centric order that is governed by ideals of global
citizenship and principles of global justice. In this
people-centric order, the emergence of a new form of politics in
which citizens are empowered by various non-governmental
organizations that serve to define and influence world politics is
envisaged. Clearly, such an order clashes with the prevailing Asian
national sovereignty-based model.This book provides a systematic
descriptive, explanatory and normative analysis of the clash of
normative orders in Asia, and develops an analysis of Asian
responses to the challenge posed by a more diffuse people-centric
order and the implications this may have for global justice.The
book aims to study two paradigms of political order - a national
statist sovereignty-based order and a people-centric order, analyze
the conflict between two diverse political paradigms within an
Asian setting, and assess the various challenges a people-centric
order poses for a sovereignty-based order. It also aims to address
the paucity of Asian normative thinking through a synthesis of
intellectual sources and normative theories. It applies, tests,
revises and develops Western normative theories of the
people-centric order.It is a must read for students and researchers
who are interested in the theoretical debates - especially Asian
voices - on normative issues in Asia.
This volume explores the different ways that ethnic and religious
diversity is conceptualized and debated in South and East Asia. In
the first few decades following decolonization, talk of
multiculturalism and pluralism was discouraged, as states attempted
to consolidate themselves as unitary and homogenizing
nation-states. Today, however, it is widely recognized that states
in the region must come to terms with the enduring reality of
ethnic and religious cleavages, and find new ways of accommodating
and respecting diversity. As a result, many countries are now
debating policies to accommodate minorities, including recognition
of indigenous rights, minority language rights, consociational
power-sharing, regional autonomy, and multination federalism. This
is often described as a key ingredient in any process of
democratization in the region. One manifestation of this new ethos
is the growing rhetoric of 'multiculturalism', often imported from
the West. And indeed Western models of minority rights have had an
influence in many Asian countries, often promoted by international
organizations. However, Asian societies also have their own
traditions of peaceful coexistence amongst linguistic and religious
groups. All of the major ethical and religious traditions in the
region - from Confucian and Buddhist to Islamic and Hindu - have
their own conceptions of tolerance, and their own recipes for
sustaining unity amidst diversity. These traditions continue to
shape people's beliefs and practices in the region. Even the
distinctive conception of Marxism developed in the region provides
an influential perspective on these issues not found in the West.
The rhetoric of 'multiculturalism' may be ubiquitous around the
world, but it is being used to express quite different ideas and
norms. Using both case studies and thematic essays, this volume
examines the pre-colonial traditions, colonial legacies, and
post-colonial ideologies that influence contemporary debates on
multiculturalism in the region. It explores the areas of
convergence and divergence between these different perspectives,
and the extent to which they provide viable frameworks for managing
ethnic and religious diversity in the region.
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