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The EU and China are often characterised as parties whose bilateral
political differences still remain too large to bridge, so that
they have failed to convert rhetorical promises into tangible
results of cooperation, particularly with regards to the field of
international security. Yet in terms of their bilateral interaction
on security risk management in Africa; EU and Chinese naval
officers jointly brought down the number of successful Somali
pirate attacks in the Gulf of Aden and to a lesser extent were
jointly involved in seeking a resolution to the lingering conflict
in Darfur. This book asks how we can make sense as a whole of this
relatively sudden shift in regards to the dealings between their
respective officials on the topic of security risk management. It
argues that the outcomes of Sino-European bilateral dealings on
this topic are above all determined by the ability/inability of
these officials to build political trust as a complex and cognitive
social phenomenon. Consequently, the book applies an innovative
conceptual framework on political trust to explain why EU and
Chinese officials bridged their 'endemic' political differences to
practically cooperate on Somali piracy but were unable to do so
when it came to their interaction on Darfur. To conclude, it
examines the longer term impact of this bilateral trust-building
process by covering more recent examples of bilateral engagement in
Libya and Mali and aims to show that although this trust-building
process may be case specific, ramifications may go beyond the realm
of their bilateral dealings on security matters in Africa, to
impact wider issues of international security. This text will be of
key interest to scholars and students of African and Chinese
politics, EU politics, security and maritime studies, and more
broadly of international relations and to governmental actors.
China's rise on the international scene over the past few years has
correlated with its exponential economic growth. The European Union
(EU), the world's largest development aid provider, has been
feeling the heat of Beijing's closer ties with Africa. As a result,
the EU's overall policy-making towards Africa has suffered from a
loss of credibility and this has been further exposed both by the
success of China's investments in Africa, and by the favourable
response that China's investment proposals have received from
African leaders. Dividing the book into five parts, the editors and
an outstanding line up of Chinese and European contributors guide
the reader through the complexities of China's rising influence in
Africa, but they also analyse if and how the EU should adapt to
this. "
China's rise on the international scene over the past few years has
correlated with its exponential economic growth. The European Union
(EU), the world's largest development aid provider, has been
feeling the heat of Beijing's closer ties with Africa. As a result,
the EU's overall policy-making towards Africa has suffered from a
loss of credibility and this has been further exposed both by the
success of China's investments in Africa, and by the favourable
response that China's investment proposals have received from
African leaders. Dividing the book into five parts, the editors and
an outstanding line up of Chinese and European contributors guide
the reader through the complexities of China's rising influence in
Africa, but they also analyse if and how the EU should adapt to
this. "
The EU and China are often characterised as parties whose bilateral
political differences still remain too large to bridge, so that
they have failed to convert rhetorical promises into tangible
results of cooperation, particularly with regards to the field of
international security. Yet in terms of their bilateral interaction
on security risk management in Africa; EU and Chinese naval
officers jointly brought down the number of successful Somali
pirate attacks in the Gulf of Aden and to a lesser extent were
jointly involved in seeking a resolution to the lingering conflict
in Darfur. This book asks how we can make sense as a whole of this
relatively sudden shift in regards to the dealings between their
respective officials on the topic of security risk management. It
argues that the outcomes of Sino-European bilateral dealings on
this topic are above all determined by the ability/inability of
these officials to build political trust as a complex and cognitive
social phenomenon. Consequently, the book applies an innovative
conceptual framework on political trust to explain why EU and
Chinese officials bridged their 'endemic' political differences to
practically cooperate on Somali piracy but were unable to do so
when it came to their interaction on Darfur. To conclude, it
examines the longer term impact of this bilateral trust-building
process by covering more recent examples of bilateral engagement in
Libya and Mali and aims to show that although this trust-building
process may be case specific, ramifications may go beyond the realm
of their bilateral dealings on security matters in Africa, to
impact wider issues of international security. This text will be of
key interest to scholars and students of African and Chinese
politics, EU politics, security and maritime studies, and more
broadly of international relations and to governmental actors.
This book focuses on underexploited data drawn from various legal
disputes over the Doraleh Container Terminal in order to paint a
portrait of SSC when it comes to infrastructure financing and
construction in Africa as provided both by the UAE and China. By
producing a detailed account of the drivers behind these disputes
as well as the broader political outcomes they have generated, this
study provides invaluable conceptual and empirical lessons on the
contemporary meaning of SSC. In doing so, it helps readers garner a
more acute understanding of the role played by Global South states
and the private sector (SOEs) against the backdrop of SSC.
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