The EU and China are often characterised as parties whose bilateral political differences still remain too large to bridge, so that they have failed to convert rhetorical promises into tangible results of cooperation, particularly with regards to the field of international security. Yet in terms of their bilateral interaction on security risk management in Africa; EU and Chinese naval officers jointly brought down the number of successful Somali pirate attacks in the Gulf of Aden and to a lesser extent were jointly involved in seeking a resolution to the lingering conflict in Darfur. This book asks how we can make sense as a whole of this relatively sudden shift in regards to the dealings between their respective officials on the topic of security risk management. It argues that the outcomes of Sino-European bilateral dealings on this topic are above all determined by the ability/inability of these officials to build political trust as a complex and cognitive social phenomenon. Consequently, the book applies an innovative conceptual framework on political trust to explain why EU and Chinese officials bridged their 'endemic' political differences to practically cooperate on Somali piracy but were unable to do so when it came to their interaction on Darfur. To conclude, it examines the longer term impact of this bilateral trust-building process by covering more recent examples of bilateral engagement in Libya and Mali and aims to show that although this trust-building process may be case specific, ramifications may go beyond the realm of their bilateral dealings on security matters in Africa, to impact wider issues of international security. This text will be of key interest to scholars and students of African and Chinese politics, EU politics, security and maritime studies, and more broadly of international relations and to governmental actors.

China's rise on the international scene over the past few years has correlated with its exponential economic growth. The European Union (EU), the world's largest development aid provider, has been feeling the heat of Beijing's closer ties with Africa. As a result, the EU's overall policy-making towards Africa has suffered from a loss of credibility and this has been further exposed both by the success of China's investments in Africa, and by the favourable response that China's investment proposals have received from African leaders. Dividing the book into five parts, the editors and an outstanding line up of Chinese and European contributors guide the reader through the complexities of China's rising influence in Africa, but they also analyse if and how the EU should adapt to this. "

China's rise on the international scene over the past few years has correlated with its exponential economic growth. The European Union (EU), the world's largest development aid provider, has been feeling the heat of Beijing's closer ties with Africa. As a result, the EU's overall policy-making towards Africa has suffered from a loss of credibility and this has been further exposed both by the success of China's investments in Africa, and by the favourable response that China's investment proposals have received from African leaders. Dividing the book into five parts, the editors and an outstanding line up of Chinese and European contributors guide the reader through the complexities of China's rising influence in Africa, but they also analyse if and how the EU should adapt to this. "

The EU and China are often characterised as parties whose bilateral political differences still remain too large to bridge, so that they have failed to convert rhetorical promises into tangible results of cooperation, particularly with regards to the field of international security. Yet in terms of their bilateral interaction on security risk management in Africa; EU and Chinese naval officers jointly brought down the number of successful Somali pirate attacks in the Gulf of Aden and to a lesser extent were jointly involved in seeking a resolution to the lingering conflict in Darfur. This book asks how we can make sense as a whole of this relatively sudden shift in regards to the dealings between their respective officials on the topic of security risk management. It argues that the outcomes of Sino-European bilateral dealings on this topic are above all determined by the ability/inability of these officials to build political trust as a complex and cognitive social phenomenon. Consequently, the book applies an innovative conceptual framework on political trust to explain why EU and Chinese officials bridged their 'endemic' political differences to practically cooperate on Somali piracy but were unable to do so when it came to their interaction on Darfur. To conclude, it examines the longer term impact of this bilateral trust-building process by covering more recent examples of bilateral engagement in Libya and Mali and aims to show that although this trust-building process may be case specific, ramifications may go beyond the realm of their bilateral dealings on security matters in Africa, to impact wider issues of international security. This text will be of key interest to scholars and students of African and Chinese politics, EU politics, security and maritime studies, and more broadly of international relations and to governmental actors.

This book focuses on underexploited data drawn from various legal disputes over the Doraleh Container Terminal in order to paint a portrait of SSC when it comes to infrastructure financing and construction in Africa as provided both by the UAE and China. By producing a detailed account of the drivers behind these disputes as well as the broader political outcomes they have generated, this study provides invaluable conceptual and empirical lessons on the contemporary meaning of SSC. In doing so, it helps readers garner a more acute understanding of the role played by Global South states and the private sector (SOEs) against the backdrop of SSC.