This volume presents three claims regarding the role of middle powers in the 21st Century: first, states aspiring to become or remain middle powers choose from three possible role: to be a global middle powers; to be a regional pivot; or to be a niche leader. Second, states seeking such roles need different mixes of hard and soft power sources. Third, more so than great or small powers, middle powers walk a thin line between the domestic and systemic pressures they face. In this volume, these claims are based on (comparative) case studies of Germany, Iran, Italy, Japan, the Netherlands, Norway, South Korea, Sweden, and Turkey.

Italy's Foreign Policy in the Twenty-First Century: The New Assertiveness of an Aspiring Middle Power, edited by Giampiero Giacomello and Bertjan Verbeek, shows how changes in Italy's international and domestic environment since the early 1990s have affected Italy's foreign policy and raised its aspiration to become, and be treated as, a middle power. The contributors theoretically engage with both rationalist and constructivist accounts of middle power behavior. They reveal that the end of the Cold War, the advent of globalization, and the increase in institutionalized regional cooperation have increased Italy's freedom to maneuver (by reducing its dependence on the United States) while simultaneously causing Italy's policy freedom to decrease as a result of delegation of policy competencies to the EU and the need for cooperation in a globalized world. Domestic changes, notably the transition from the First to the Second Republic and the transformation of political leadership in Italy under Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi, have altered the specific way domestic politics is played out in foreign policy. Rather than adopting the more common focus on Italy's bilateral relations with other counties or regions, Italy's Foreign Policy in the Twenty-First Century centers on actors, issues, and policy instruments in vital areas of Italy's foreign. In addition, it discusses the search for Italy's position in global affairs and emphasizes the importance of leadership styles, domestic political agendas, and party rhetoric in determining Italy's foreign policy. As Giacomello and Verbeek's volume demonstrates, being consistent with such strategic prescription has always been a problematic undertaking for various Italian governments.

International organizations have once more become subjects of investigation for a whole range of scholars: political scientists, international relations specialists, organization theorists, and policy experts alike. The end of the Cold War, increased globalization, and the intensification of regional and functional cooperation all have produced a greater interest in the role of international organizations, and rightly so, since they increasingly take part in global governance as over-burdened governments become more and more willing to transfer responsibility to them or need to work through them. International Organizations and Policy Implementation determines the extent to which international intergovernmental organizations are involved in the national implementation of internationally formulated policies. In particular, it specifies the conditions under which they can be more or less successful in influencing the course and content of implementation or imprint their perspective on domestic policies. This edited volume helps to fill a gap in the existing literature in two respects: contrary to many implementation studies, the chapters are comparative in nature contrasting the role of international organizations across time, different levels, or different issue areas; and, second, they are theoretically grounded.

International organizations have once more become subjects of investigation for a whole range of scholars: political scientists, international relations specialists, organization theorists, and policy experts alike. The end of the Cold War, increased globalization, and the intensification of regional and functional cooperation all have produced a greater interest in the role of international organizations, and rightly so, since they increasingly take part in global governance as over-burdened governments become more and more willing to transfer responsibility to them or need to work through them.

International Organizations and Policy Implementation determines the extent to which international intergovernmental organizations are involved in the national implementation of internationally formulated policies. In particular, it specifies the conditions under which they can be more or less successful in influencing the course and content of implementation or imprint their perspective on domestic policies.

This edited volume helps to fill a gap in the existing literature in two respects: contrary to many implementation studies, the chapters are comparative in nature contrasting the role of international organizations across time, different levels, or different issue areas; and, second, they are theoretically grounded.

Following the end of the Cold War and in the context of globalization, this book examines the extent to which member states dominate decision making in international organizations and whether non-state actors, for example non-governmental organizations and multinational corporations, are influential. The authors assess the new patterns of decision-making to determine whether they are relatively open or closed privileged networks. The organizations examined include the Council of Europe, the United Nations, the EU, G8, the World Trade Organization, International Maritime Organizations, the World Health Organization and the OECD.

Series Information:
Routledge ECPR Studies in European Political Science

This volume assesses the importance of international organisations in global governance during the last ten years. The prestigious team of international contributors seek to determine the ways in which IO's contribute to the solution of global problems by influencing international decision-making in ways that go beyond the lowest common denominator of national interests.

This radically new work provides an innovative approach to the question of why the Suez Crisis erupted. Bertjan Verbeek here applies foreign policy analysis framework to British decision making during the crisis, providing the first full foreign policy analysis of this important event. Moreover, the book offers a new interpretation on British decision-making during the crisis. Many existing studies of Suez emphasise the role of the Prime Minister, Sir Anthony Eden, and often focus on the matter of collusion with Israel. This study demonstrates that small group dynamics in the institutional context of cabinet decision-making in the British political system are much more important. This study offers the possibility of determining more precisely the interrelationship between systemic constraints on states' behaviour and the actual behaviour of states under such constraints.

This radically new work provides an innovative approach to the question of why the Suez Crisis erupted. Bertjan Verbeek here applies foreign policy analysis framework to British decision making during the crisis, providing the first full foreign policy analysis of this important event. Moreover, the book offers a new interpretation on British decision-making during the crisis. Many existing studies of Suez emphasise the role of the Prime Minister, Sir Anthony Eden, and often focus on the matter of collusion with Israel. This study demonstrates that small group dynamics in the institutional context of cabinet decision-making in the British political system are much more important. This study offers the possibility of determining more precisely the interrelationship between systemic constraints on states' behaviour and the actual behaviour of states under such constraints.

This volume presents three claims regarding the role of middle powers in the 21st Century: first, states aspiring to become or remain middle powers choose from three possible role: to be a global middle powers; to be a regional pivot; or to be a niche leader. Second, states seeking such roles need different mixes of hard and soft power sources. Third, more so than great or small powers, middle powers walk a thin line between the domestic and systemic pressures they face. In this volume, these claims are based on (comparative) case studies of Germany, Iran, Italy, Japan, the Netherlands, Norway, South Korea, Sweden, and Turkey.