Ageing is a part of life that all Singaporeans must face and, in fact, all families will have their next of kins undergoing that life stage. Singapore Ageing assembles a team of researchers, administrators, practitioners, advocates and academics from varied social service and care sectors, to share their thoughts, concerns and future challenges faced by an ageing Singapore in different arenas.With the Singapore demography showing a greying trend, it is increasingly vital for the government and the social, health and economic sectors to meet the needs of an ageing nation. The appropriate services and support have to be in place to respond to the issues faced by seniors. This edited volume serves as a useful resource for those who are working or researching in the field of ageing.

Understanding Singapore Politics, Second Edition, aims to present a structural-functional understanding of politics in Singapore. This textbook provides a foundational knowledge of Singapore's politics by discussing key topics including the country's history, political and party systems, role of parastatal organisations, nation building, political leadership, electoral politics, hot-button national issues and the role of Lee Kuan Yew in Singapore politics. Recommended for anyone who has an interest or a stake in the island republic, this introductory text provides insights on what drives, shapes and influences Singapore's politics and explains the political behaviour of Singaporeans.

Understanding Singapore Politics, Second Edition, aims to present a structural-functional understanding of politics in Singapore. This textbook provides a foundational knowledge of Singapore's politics by discussing key topics including the country's history, political and party systems, role of parastatal organisations, nation building, political leadership, electoral politics, hot-button national issues and the role of Lee Kuan Yew in Singapore politics. Recommended for anyone who has an interest or a stake in the island republic, this introductory text provides insights on what drives, shapes and influences Singapore's politics and explains the political behaviour of Singaporeans.

Understanding Singapore Politics is written to address the dearth of a succinct overview on Singapore politics. This introductory text looks at the factors that shape the island-republic's domestic politics, the key institutions and issues in the city-state, electoral power as well as the political direction Singapore is likely to take in a post-Lee Kuan Yew era. The specific institutions covered for discussion include the mass media, trade unions, civil service and grassroots organisations. The role of civil and civic society, including pressures for democratisation, is also examined. In addition, various new political issues - the importance of race, income equality and migration - and their implications are discussed. Finally, the linkage between Singapore's domestic and foreign policy is analysed. This foundational guide to Singapore politics is recommended for anyone who has an interest or a stake in the island republic.

Understanding Singapore Politics is written to address the dearth of a succinct overview on Singapore politics. This introductory text looks at the factors that shape the island-republic's domestic politics, the key institutions and issues in the city-state, electoral power as well as the political direction Singapore is likely to take in a post-Lee Kuan Yew era. The specific institutions covered for discussion include the mass media, trade unions, civil service and grassroots organisations. The role of civil and civic society, including pressures for democratisation, is also examined. In addition, various new political issues - the importance of race, income equality and migration - and their implications are discussed. Finally, the linkage between Singapore's domestic and foreign policy is analysed. This foundational guide to Singapore politics is recommended for anyone who has an interest or a stake in the island republic.

On 10 July 2020, Singapore held its 18th general elections in history and the 13th since independence in 1965. The ruling People's Action Party (PAP) once again retained its supermajority by capturing 83 out of the 93 seats, controlling 89.2 percent of parliamentary seats. In spite of a changing social, political and economic landscape, Singapore is still very much identified as an illiberal democracy that has somehow thrived over the years.As the general elections was held during the COVID-19 pandemic, there were expectations that Singaporeans would overwhelmingly vote for the PAP government as the country was facing a serious crisis of a generation. The 'flight-to-safety' mode that some had expected in an election during a crisis, however, did not materialise. In the end, Singaporean voters decided to send a strong warning to the PAP that not all was well, with the opposition achieving its strongest gains since 1965, capturing 10 seats and an additional two Non-constituency Member of Parliament seats. The PAP's total votes dropped from 69.9 percent in 2015 to 61.2 percent in 2020. The rise of a credible opposition has also further strengthened Singaporeans' resolve to ensure that a fair-playing field exists in the political realm. With the highest voter turnout since independence, many have made it known that their voices mattered. The PAP also saw some cracks in its ranks, with some former cadre members and supporters being critical of the new fourth-generation team.Against this backdrop, this book hopes to address the following questions. What were the key issues in the general elections? Who were the main contenders in the polls? What accounted for the PAP's continued hold on power in Singapore? Why did the opposition perform much better than in the previous general elections? What are the main implications of the 2020 general elections results for the PAP, opposition and the broader society at large? How far have electoral issues shifted from 'bread and butter' concerns to much broader topics of social injustices and diversity of voices in parliament? What were some of the crucial talking points during this election? Last, but not least, how far did social media and internet campaigning determine the outcome of this election?

On 10 July 2020, Singapore held its 18th general elections in history and the 13th since independence in 1965. The ruling People's Action Party (PAP) once again retained its supermajority by capturing 83 out of the 93 seats, controlling 89.2 percent of parliamentary seats. In spite of a changing social, political and economic landscape, Singapore is still very much identified as an illiberal democracy that has somehow thrived over the years.As the general elections was held during the COVID-19 pandemic, there were expectations that Singaporeans would overwhelmingly vote for the PAP government as the country was facing a serious crisis of a generation. The 'flight-to-safety' mode that some had expected in an election during a crisis, however, did not materialise. In the end, Singaporean voters decided to send a strong warning to the PAP that not all was well, with the opposition achieving its strongest gains since 1965, capturing 10 seats and an additional two Non-constituency Member of Parliament seats. The PAP's total votes dropped from 69.9 percent in 2015 to 61.2 percent in 2020. The rise of a credible opposition has also further strengthened Singaporeans' resolve to ensure that a fair-playing field exists in the political realm. With the highest voter turnout since independence, many have made it known that their voices mattered. The PAP also saw some cracks in its ranks, with some former cadre members and supporters being critical of the new fourth-generation team.Against this backdrop, this book hopes to address the following questions. What were the key issues in the general elections? Who were the main contenders in the polls? What accounted for the PAP's continued hold on power in Singapore? Why did the opposition perform much better than in the previous general elections? What are the main implications of the 2020 general elections results for the PAP, opposition and the broader society at large? How far have electoral issues shifted from 'bread and butter' concerns to much broader topics of social injustices and diversity of voices in parliament? What were some of the crucial talking points during this election? Last, but not least, how far did social media and internet campaigning determine the outcome of this election?

This book examines the staying power of the People's Action Party, a political party that has governed Singapore since June 1959. A political titan with few chinks in its armour, the party has kept winning elections under three prime ministers and Singapore is about to witness a transition to the fourth prime minister. The party's seemingly unstoppable sterling performance makes the issue of the durability of the PAP highly critical. In light of the serious weakness of the Opposition and the strong performance legitimacy of the ruling party, it is worthwhile asking the question, can the PAP stumble and fall? Addressing this question is highly relevant given that similar political parties and structures have almost all collapsed elsewhere - the Barisan Nasional as the latest casualty with its defeat in Malaysia's 2018 General Elections. With an extensive coverage on domestic and international issues, up-to-date developments on the finalisation of the PAP's 4G leadership, the Workers' Party town council saga, and the efforts to form an opposition coalition led by Tan Cheng Bock are also analysed in this book.

This book examines the staying power of the People's Action Party, a political party that has governed Singapore since June 1959. A political titan with few chinks in its armour, the party has kept winning elections under three prime ministers and Singapore is about to witness a transition to the fourth prime minister. The party's seemingly unstoppable sterling performance makes the issue of the durability of the PAP highly critical. In light of the serious weakness of the Opposition and the strong performance legitimacy of the ruling party, it is worthwhile asking the question, can the PAP stumble and fall? Addressing this question is highly relevant given that similar political parties and structures have almost all collapsed elsewhere - the Barisan Nasional as the latest casualty with its defeat in Malaysia's 2018 General Elections. With an extensive coverage on domestic and international issues, up-to-date developments on the finalisation of the PAP's 4G leadership, the Workers' Party town council saga, and the efforts to form an opposition coalition led by Tan Cheng Bock are also analysed in this book.

Singapore's progress as an independent nation and the uplifting of its people's livelihood have been made possible by stable social and political conditions. A more important factor in driving these positive changes lies with people-centric leadership. One can contrast the case of Singapore with societies led by self-serving leaders whose lack of honesty and integrity brings about immense social and economic hardships to various communities. When people suffer under undesirable circumstances, they often migrate to seek better future for themselves and their families.This book reveals how Singapore's governance grounded on the principle of asset building facilitates the country's growth and development. Policies being discussed in this volume include multi-culturalism, accessible housing, social mobility for low-income families, water resource management, and national conscription.Highly relevant for students, policy makers and the general public interested in socio-political and economic development issues, this unique piece of work not only gives readers a documentary account of what has been undertaken to empower and assist citizens in the last 50 years or so, but also prompts them to reflect on Singapore's future trajectory.Related Link(s)

The Papuan conflict has been on the international radar screen since Indonesia became an independent state in 1945. Since the surrender of the territory of Papua to Indonesia in 1962, a low-intensity military conflict has been building. Most Papuans believed that their right to self-determination was sacrificed on the altar of geopolitics. Later, when East Timor seceded peacefully from Indonesia, Papuans expected the same right. When this did not happen, the conflict intensified. In this pivotal work, Bilveer Singh examines the history of the Papuan struggle, and approaches to conflict resolution through the framework of its geopolitical implications. Asserting that the Papuans were treated unjustly by Indonesia and the international community, it is not surprising that many have come down squarely on the side of Papuan independence as a way out of the imbroglio.While to some extent the Papuan's case cannot be denied, definite political and strategic realities should not be ignored. Unfortunately for the Papuans, their territory has immense geopolitical, geostrategic, and economic significance--not only for Indonesia, but also for others such as the United States, China, Australia, and a number of European countries. Papua is wealthy, under-populated and backward in terms of human resource development. Its future as a distinct entity is in real danger as the Papuans are becoming the minority in their own homeland. Due to the asymmetry of power, the Papuans' struggle has not made a breakthrough that would force Indonesia to rethink the future of the territory in any fundamental way.In order to unravel the dynamics involving Papuan separatism, this study describes the Papuan political landscape. Singh explains what makes Papua unique, and how its makeup has affected the territory's political dynamics. He analyzes the emergence of Papua as a geopolitical trophy, calling into question the degree to which Papuan nationalism has crystallized. Finally, he questions whether Papua is emerging as a regional flashpoint, and, in view of its geopolitical importance, the various options available. Papua: Geopolitics and the Quest for Nationhood will be of interest to scholars of international relations, comparative politics of Indonesia and the Asia-Pacific, and policymaking.

The Papuan conflict has been on the international radar screen since Indonesia became an independent state in 1945. Since the surrender of the territory of Papua to Indonesia in 1962, a low-intensity military conflict has been building. Most Papuans believed that their right to self-determination was sacrificed on the altar of geopolitics. Later, when East Timor seceded peacefully from Indonesia, Papuans expected the same right. When this did not happen, the conflict intensified. In this pivotal work, Bilveer Singh examines the history of the Papuan struggle, and approaches to conflict resolution through the framework of its geopolitical implications. Asserting that the Papuans were treated unjustly by Indonesia and the international community, it is not surprising that many have come down squarely on the side of Papuan independence as a way out of the imbroglio.

While to some extent the Papuan's case cannot be denied, definite political and strategic realities should not be ignored. Unfortunately for the Papuans, their territory has immense geopolitical, geostrategic, and economic significance--not only for Indonesia, but also for others such as the United States, China, Australia, and a number of European countries. Papua is wealthy, under-populated and backward in terms of human resource development. Its future as a distinct entity is in real danger as the Papuans are becoming the minority in their own homeland. Due to the asymmetry of power, the Papuans' struggle has not made a breakthrough that would force Indonesia to rethink the future of the territory in any fundamental way.

In order to unravel the dynamics involving Papuan separatism, this study describes the Papuan political landscape. Singh explains what makes Papua unique, and how its makeup has affected the territory's political dynamics. He analyzes the emergence of Papua as a geopolitical trophy, calling into question the degree to which Papuan nationalism has crystallized. Finally, he questions whether Papua is emerging as a regional flashpoint, and, in view of its geopolitical importance, the various options available. "Papua: Geopolitics and the Quest for Nationhood" will be of interest to scholars of international relations, comparative politics of Indonesia and the Asia-Pacific, and policymaking.

In the last two decades or so, community development efforts in Singapore have strongly focused on task-centred community activities namely short-term projects revolving around socio-educational and recreational activities. Such an emphasis is further reinforced by the outsourcing of community services to the private sector which is contracted to deliver services or activities. Although the consequences are not seen immediately, they will in the longer term reinforce learned helplessness of the participants or beneficiaries who are usually relegated to passive or dependent roles.Through the insights of contributors who are practitioners in the community development field, this book argues that more resources and initiatives must be accorded to community organisations so as to redirect to a community- or resident-centric approach towards community work intervention. In short, more reaching out to people or community groups should be undertaken.Covering a broad range of arenas including health, housing, ageing, community integration and bonding, among others, this book will open up a wider horizon for community development efforts and provide a reservoir of ideas and strategies to build a stronger and resilient community for more effective community problem-solving.

The history of communism in Malaya (including Singapore) almost coincided with the rise and fall of communism worldwide, best epitomized in Europe by the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989. Operating through the Malayan Communist Party, communism posed an existential threat to Malaya. While the communist threat in peninsular Malaya was manifested dramatically in armed struggle with guerrillas in the jungle, in Singapore it was primarily in the form of united front subversive activities, interspersed with episodes of violence and assassinations. This new book examines the MCP's quest for political power in Singapore in the midst of a raging Cold War between communism and the free world, with particular focus on events in the 1950s and 1960s. From its close collaboration with the two leading communist great powers (USSR and China) to its united front strategy of infiltrating student, trade union and political organizations, the MCP's activities are related here in a clear and engaging manner.

Long before the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, awakened the United States and the Western world to the heightened level of the terrorist threat, Southeast Asia had been dealing with this threat. The bombing in Bali that killed 202 people, many of them Australian tourists, was by no means the region's first experience with Islamic extremism, which can be traced back to the 1940s, and the Darul Islam struggle. The most recent group to emerge is Al-Jama'ah Al-Islamiyah (AJAI), the most potent Islamic terrorist organization to date in the region and the group behind the Bali bombing. Prior to 9/11, the terrorist challenge was essentially national in character, with groups attempting either to secede from the central government to form a new state or to force the central government to adopt policies that would support the raison d'etre of these extremist groups. Essentially, this involved the establishment of a political system that was more Islamic in character, either nationally or within a specific territory of a national state. This book analyzes the increasing Talibanization of Southeast Asia, a relatively new phenomenon that involves the adoption of Islamist doctrines, ideologies, and values that are largely militant in character, and that for some groups includes the adoption of violence to achieve their goals. Understanding this process of Talibanization in Southeast Asia, which was once an oasis of moderate Islam in the modern world, is the key to unraveling the mystery of the increased radicalization in the region. The AJAI represents the birth of the first regional terrorist organization in Southeast Asia. It is a transnational terrorist organization along the lines ofal-Qaeda. It aims to establish a regional Islamic state covering most of southern Southeast Asia that would ultimately form a new Islamic epicenter in the Asia-Pacific region. Additionally, what has made the AJAI a potent force has been its ability to synergize with various existing religious extremist groups in the region and beyond, including al-Qaeda and other like-minded groups based in Afghanistan and Pakistan. This has succeeded in posing one of the most serious security challenges to the region since the end of the Cold War. Jihadists are operating in small and localized cells even though the broad goals remain the same, namely, to spread sharia, establish an Islamic state, and bring down secular regimes. As most governments do not have the credibility or the expertise to diminish the threat posed by Islamist extremism, Wahhabism, and Salafism, Southeast Asia is in danger of being Talibanized in the near future.

Recent years have seen dramatic shifts in the nature of Australian-Indonesian relations, and this in turn has had a great impact on the strategic partnership that had gradually come into existence between the two regional powers. Against the backdrop of rapid strategic, political, economic, social, and technological changes occurring on a global scale, Australian foreign policy efforts at cooperation with its largest and nearest Asian neighbor have changed as well-largely as a result of domestic political considerations. Reaching a high point under Prime Minister Keating, defense relations soured considerably and suddenly after 1999. Singh provides a non-partisan account of the shift from partnership to cold peace and an examination of how it has affected the bilateral, regional, and global security environment.

The Indonesian public and political elite have become hostile toward Australia as a result of her perceived role in the birth of an independent East Timor. Indonesians are also increasingly suspicious of Australian intensions toward their own country, with many believing that Canberra would like to repeat its East Timor success in Papua, thereby leading to the disintegration of Indonesia itself. John Howard's pro-Western policies are also viewed as a return to Australian projection of itself as a Western outpost on the fringes of Asia. As the strategic cooperation between the two nations has faltered, it has had tremendous implications for the defense and security outlook of both powers. The world cannot afford to ignore this possible threat to regional stability.