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De-centering queer theory seeks to reorient queer theory to a
different conception of bodies and sexuality derived from Eastern
European Marxism. The book articulates a contrast between the
concept of the productive body, which draws its epistemology from
Soviet and avant-garde theorists, and Cold War gender, which is
defined as the social construction of the body. The first part of
the book concentrates on the theoretical and visual production of
Eastern European Marxism, which proposed an alternative version of
sexuality to that of western liberalism. In doing so it offers a
historical angle to understand the emergence not only of an
alternative epistemology, but also of queer theory’s vocabulary.
The second part of the book provides a Marxist, anti-capitalist
archive for queer studies, which often neglects to engage
critically with its liberal and Cold War underpinnings. -- .
De-centering queer theory seeks to reorient queer theory to a
different conception of bodies and sexuality derived from Eastern
European Marxism. The book articulates a contrast between the
concept of the productive body, which draws its epistemology from
Soviet and avant-garde theorists, and Cold War gender, which is
defined as the social construction of the body. The first part of
the book concentrates on the theoretical and visual production of
Eastern European Marxism, which proposed an alternative version of
sexuality to that of western liberalism. In doing so it offers a
historical angle to understand the emergence not only of an
alternative epistemology, but also of queer theory's vocabulary.
The second part of the book provides a Marxist, anti-capitalist
archive for queer studies, which often neglects to engage
critically with its liberal and Cold War underpinnings. -- .
Shame proposes a new form of political action that shows how 19th
century activists denaturalise conventional beliefs about sexuality
and gender, and challenge strong asymmetries of power. For
Victorians, shame did not merely generate negative feelings and low
self-esteem but also had a great capacity to provoke political
activism, leading to strategies for transforming political norms
that exclude political outlaws.
Football in Central-Eastern and Eastern Europe has long functioned
as a carrier of the three "non-normal" socio-political drivers that
were effective below the surface of modernity, including the
official self-image of European political systems, since the second
half of the 20th century: Tribal Politics, Imaginal Politics, and
Contextual Politics. All three are trends that are currently
surfacing prominently on an international and global level. Long
before the return of the now proverbial "Political Tribes" by the
means of populisms and neo-authoritarianisms in societies around
the world, football in Central-Eastern and Eastern Europe worked as
a subconscious vehicle of group instincts and political moods that
represented, mirrored, informed and influenced political behavior
and governmental decisions both in the post-WWII communist and
then, after 1989, the neo-capitalist societies located east of the
former iron curtain. Football has always been used by both
governments and their opponents, including the dissident civil
society, to further coherence and to symbolically represent
specific readings of power relations, system ideologies and
history. Football in Central and Eastern Europe was always able to
attract and include large parts of the population, inducing them to
symbolically express protest against the government or to sustain
the "politics from above". Through football politics, aspects of
the area's specific political mechanisms are introduced and
explained.
Shame has often been considered a threat to democratic politics,
and was used to degrade and debase sex radicals and political
marginals. But certain forms of shame were also embraced by
19th-century activists in an attempt to reverse entrenched power
dynamics. Bogdan Popa brings together Ranciere's techniques of
disrupting inequality with a queer curiosity in the performativity
of shame to show how 19th-century activists denaturalised
conventional beliefs about sexuality and gender. This study fills a
glaring absence in political theory by undertaking a genealogy of
radical queer interventions that predate the 20th century.
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