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This book assesses the extent to which an emphasis on national
security and prioritization of state interests has dominated
governance policy-making in Northeast and Southeast Asia, at the
expense of human security, human development, and human rights. The
findings are that in many cases, there are embedded structural
obstacles to achieving human-centered governance objectives in the
region. These relate to the role of the military, historical
authoritarian legacies, and new authoritarian trends. Contributors
examine not only the most obvious instances of military domination
of governance in the region (North Korea with its "Military First"
philosophy, Thailand since the 2014 coup, and Myanmar with its long
history of military rule), but also less well known examples of the
influence of conflict legacies upon governance in Cambodia,
Timor-Leste, and Laos, as well as the emergence of new reservoirs
of power and resources for the forces of authoritarianism.
Comprising case studies of Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan, this
edited volume explores the key characteristics of democratic
governance in Northeast Asia. Each democracy is assessed on the
extent to which it enables the flourishing of social capital;
prioritizes the interests of all as characterized by freedom from
fear and want; and empowers all to participate in the democratic
process and governance. With particular focus on the experience of
minorities, this volume contends that the acid test of democratic
governance is not how well the government represents the interests
of the elites, or even the majority, but rather how it cares for
the needs of vulnerable groups in society.
This book assesses democratic resilience and challenges in
(relatively) newly emerging democracies in the Asia-Pacific, which
are simultaneously important case studies as newly emerging middle
powers. Across all dimensions and measurements, South Korea and
Indonesia are consistently the most salient case studies to
consider. The two case studies are compared across three sections.
First, the relationship between economic development and democratic
resilience in Indonesia and South Korea. Second, nature of
political culture and societal constructs in the two case studies.
The final section looks at the potential peculiarities of the two
case studies, which are seen as uniquely challenged: Indonesia by
religious persecution and South Korea by political populism.
Certainly, democratization is a long and difficult process. This
book provides insight into how the two countries have embarked on
similar democratization projects. It also delineates the successes
and failures from which valuable lessons on democratization can be
drawn.
This book is divided into three sections comprised of pairs of
chapters. First, a section examining how Confucianism interacts
with democratic resilience in South Korea, compared with the
societal role and challenge of Islam in Indonesian democracy. The
second section will conduct brief historical surveys of the role of
civil society role in Korean and Indonesian democratization, and
debates about the appropriate role for civil society after
democratization. In particular, the various roles of civil society
non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and popular movements will be
highlighted in both countries. The final section looks at
socio-economic conditions and distributive justice in relation to
democracy in the Republic of Korea (ROK) and Indonesia.
Faced with significant security challenges, in recent years Japan
and South Korea have both sought to raise their international
profile through peacebuilding, development, humanitarian
assistance, and human security. This book assesses the past,
present, and future potential of these niche diplomacy initiatives
undertaken by Japan and South Korea, largely in Southeast Asia. The
book concludes that not only do such nontraditional security
channels have the potential to achieve meaningful change for
partners and beneficiaries, but they could also form the basis of
future confidence-building and security cooperation between Japan
and South Korea, which have to date achieved little in the field of
traditional security cooperation, despite facing many shared
challenges. Working across disciplines and national boundaries, the
contributors to this volume argue that policy prioritization in the
fields of peacebuilding, development, and human security by Tokyo
and Seoul could have the potential to accrue wider benefits not
only to the Northeast Asian actors and the Southeast Asian
partners, but also to wider regional and even global security
communities. At a time when the role of so-called middle powers is
receiving increasing levels of attention both domestically and
internationally, this book will be of considerable interest to
scholars of Japan and the ROK, as well as development, security,
and foreign policy researchers more broadly.
This book assesses the extent to which an emphasis on national
security and prioritization of state interests has dominated
governance policy-making in Northeast and Southeast Asia, at the
expense of human security, human development, and human rights. The
findings are that in many cases, there are embedded structural
obstacles to achieving human-centered governance objectives in the
region. These relate to the role of the military, historical
authoritarian legacies, and new authoritarian trends. Contributors
examine not only the most obvious instances of military domination
of governance in the region (North Korea with its "Military First"
philosophy, Thailand since the 2014 coup, and Myanmar with its long
history of military rule), but also less well known examples of the
influence of conflict legacies upon governance in Cambodia,
Timor-Leste, and Laos, as well as the emergence of new reservoirs
of power and resources for the forces of authoritarianism.
Faced with significant security challenges, in recent years Japan
and South Korea have both sought to raise their international
profile through peacebuilding, development, humanitarian
assistance, and human security. This book assesses the past,
present, and future potential of these niche diplomacy initiatives
undertaken by Japan and South Korea, largely in Southeast Asia. The
book concludes that not only do such nontraditional security
channels have the potential to achieve meaningful change for
partners and beneficiaries, but they could also form the basis of
future confidence-building and security cooperation between Japan
and South Korea, which have to date achieved little in the field of
traditional security cooperation, despite facing many shared
challenges. Working across disciplines and national boundaries, the
contributors to this volume argue that policy prioritization in the
fields of peacebuilding, development, and human security by Tokyo
and Seoul could have the potential to accrue wider benefits not
only to the Northeast Asian actors and the Southeast Asian
partners, but also to wider regional and even global security
communities. At a time when the role of so-called middle powers is
receiving increasing levels of attention both domestically and
internationally, this book will be of considerable interest to
scholars of Japan and the ROK, as well as development, security,
and foreign policy researchers more broadly.
This book explores the state of play on the Korean peninsula, where
old conflicts remain latent. Regarding security on the Korean
Peninsula, however, this book challenges the belief that the
internal affairs of states should be discounted and posits that to
have a fuller perspective of comprehensive peacebuilding on the
Korean Peninsula, all aspects of the security spectrum should be
considered from the perspective of both challenges to building
peace and opportunities for doing so. In particular, the internal
governance functioning of the Democratic People’s Republic of
Korea (DPRK) regime will be considered, as well as the intersection
between regime security, economic development and distributive
justice, and South Korean perceptional, ideational, and bottom-up
approaches to peace on the Korean Peninsula. Hence, this book will
be of interest to scholars of the region, journalists and
peace-makers.
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