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Calfano provides an examination of the pressures faced by Muslims,
often considered political and social outsiders in western nations,
especially in the United States. Identity is a complex concept,
especially when considering the role that group attachments play in
affecting how one sees her/his role in the political environment of
their country of residence. Perhaps the greatest tension in this
regard is felt by those who are often considered outsiders in their
home country, despite significant ties to their nation. Though
citizens and second generation residents in many cases, American
Muslims face a combination of suspicion, government scrutiny, and
social segregation in the United States, despite significant
education and economic assimilation in America. The crux of the
investigation advanced here centres on how group influence,
emotions, and religious interpretation contribute to the political
orientation and behaviour of a national sample of Muslims living in
the American context. A compelling explanation as to how members of
an ostracized political group marshal the motivation to push
through suspicion to become fully engaged political actors, this
book has wide relevance and will be of interest to scholars
researching Muslims and political participation across the fields
of political science, history, sociology, and religion.
Calfano provides an examination of the pressures faced by Muslims,
often considered political and social outsiders in western nations,
especially in the United States. Identity is a complex concept,
especially when considering the role that group attachments play in
affecting how one sees her/his role in the political environment of
their country of residence. Perhaps the greatest tension in this
regard is felt by those who are often considered outsiders in their
home country, despite significant ties to their nation. Though
citizens and second generation residents in many cases, American
Muslims face a combination of suspicion, government scrutiny, and
social segregation in the United States, despite significant
education and economic assimilation in America. The crux of the
investigation advanced here centres on how group influence,
emotions, and religious interpretation contribute to the political
orientation and behaviour of a national sample of Muslims living in
the American context. A compelling explanation as to how members of
an ostracized political group marshal the motivation to push
through suspicion to become fully engaged political actors, this
book has wide relevance and will be of interest to scholars
researching Muslims and political participation across the fields
of political science, history, sociology, and religion.
Political sociology has struggled with predicting the next turn of
transformation in the MENA countries after the 2011 Uprisings. Arab
activists did not articulate explicitly any modalities of their
desired system, although their slogans ushered to a
fully-democratic society. These unguided Uprisings showcase an
open-ended freedom-to question after Arabs underwent their
freedom-from struggle from authoritarianism. The new conflicts in
Egypt, Syria, Yemen, and Libya have fragmented shar'iya
(legitimacy) into distinct conceptualizations: "revolutionary
legitimacy," "electoral legitimacy," "legitimacy of the street,"
and "consensual legitimacy." This volume examines whether the
Uprisings would introduce a replica of the European Enlightenment
or rather stimulate an Arab/Islamic awakening with its own cultural
specificity and political philosophy. By placing Immanuel Kant in
Tahrir Square, this book adopts a comparative analysis of two
enlightenment projects: one Arab, still under construction, with
possible progression toward modernity or regression toward
neo-authoritarianism, and one European, shaped by the past two
centuries. Mohammed D. Cherkaoui and the contributing authors use a
hybrid theoretical framework drawing on three tanwiri
(enlightenment) philosophers from different eras: Ibn Rushd, known
in the west as Averroes (the twelfth century), Immanuel Kant (the
eighteenth century), and Mohamed Abed Al-Jabri (the twentieth
century). The authors propose a few projections about the outcome
of the competition between an Islamocracy vision and what Cherkaoui
terms as a Demoslamic vision, since it implies the Islamist
movements' flexibility to reconcile their religious absolutism with
the prerequisites of liberal democracy. This book also traces the
patterns of change which point to a possible Arab Axial Age. It
ends with the trials of modernity and tradition in Tunisia and an
imaginary speech Kant would deliver at the Tunisian Parliament
after those vibrant debates of the new constitution in 2014.
During the 1950s, amid increased attention to the problems facing
cities-such as racial disparities in housing, education, and
economic conditions; tense community-police relations; and
underrepresentation of minority groups-local governments developed
an interest in "human relations." In the wake of the shocking 1965
Watts uprising, a new authority was created: the Los Angeles City
Human Relations Commission. Today, such commissions exist all over
the United States, charged with addressing such tasks as fighting
racial discrimination and improving fair housing access. Brian
Calfano and Valerie Martinez-Ebers examine the history and current
efforts of human relations commissions in promoting positive
intergroup outcomes and enforcing antidiscrimination laws. Drawing
on a wide range of theories and methods from political science,
social psychology, and public administration, they assess policy
approaches, successes, and failures in four cities. The book sheds
light on the advantages and disadvantages of different commission
types and considers the stresses and expectations placed on
commission staff in carrying out difficult agendas in highly
charged political contexts. Calfano and Martinez-Ebers suggest that
the path to full inclusion is fraught with complications but that
human rights commissions provide guidance as to how disparate
groups can be brought together to forge a common purpose. The first
book to examine these widely occurring yet understudied political
bodies, Human Relations Commissions is relevant to a range of urban
policy issues of interest to both academics and practitioners.
Media and Politics provides students with a selection of readings
that help them better understand how politics affect journalism and
media, and how journalism and media, in turn, impact politics. The
anthology also provides insight into the basic techniques and
tenets for covering new stories, especially those of a political
nature. The collection begins by providing a brief history of the
development of modern journalism in the United States. Later
chapters address the concept of newsworthiness, core standards of
journalism, the difference in news items distributed across various
media platforms, and performance and script editing techniques for
radio and television. Students read about how audience perception
of production values can impact their impressions of news videos
and the social impact of the kinds of people most featured in news
reports, as well as how they are featured. Additional chapters
discuss the effects of presenting news from a human interest angle
and video editing. Each chapter includes questions to stimulate
critical thinking and encourage further consideration of the
material. An engaging and timely resource, Media and Politics is
well suited for courses in journalism, media, and political
science.
During the 1950s, amid increased attention to the problems facing
cities-such as racial disparities in housing, education, and
economic conditions; tense community-police relations; and
underrepresentation of minority groups-local governments developed
an interest in "human relations." In the wake of the shocking 1965
Watts uprising, a new authority was created: the Los Angeles City
Human Relations Commission. Today, such commissions exist all over
the United States, charged with addressing such tasks as fighting
racial discrimination and improving fair housing access. Brian
Calfano and Valerie Martinez-Ebers examine the history and current
efforts of human relations commissions in promoting positive
intergroup outcomes and enforcing antidiscrimination laws. Drawing
on a wide range of theories and methods from political science,
social psychology, and public administration, they assess policy
approaches, successes, and failures in four cities. The book sheds
light on the advantages and disadvantages of different commission
types and considers the stresses and expectations placed on
commission staff in carrying out difficult agendas in highly
charged political contexts. Calfano and Martinez-Ebers suggest that
the path to full inclusion is fraught with complications but that
human rights commissions provide guidance as to how disparate
groups can be brought together to forge a common purpose. The first
book to examine these widely occurring yet understudied political
bodies, Human Relations Commissions is relevant to a range of urban
policy issues of interest to both academics and practitioners.
Though not all people are religious believers, religion has played
important historic roles in developing political systems, parties,
and policies-affecting believers and non-believers alike. This is
particularly true in the United States, where scholars have devoted
considerable attention to a variety of political phenomena at the
intersection of religious belief and identity, including social
movements, voting behavior, public opinion, and public policy.
These outcomes are motivated by "identity boundary-making" among
the religiously affiliated. The contributors to this volume examine
two main factors that influence religious identity: the
communication of religious ideas and the perceptions of people
(including elites) in communicating said ideas. Exploring the
Public Effects of Religious Communication on Politics examines an
array of religious communication phenomena. These include the
media's role in furthering religious narratives about minority
groups, religious strategies that interest groups use to advance
their appeal, the variable strength of Islamophobia in
cross-national contexts, what qualifies as an "evangelical"
identity, and clergy representation of religious and institutional
teachings. The volume also provides ways for readers to think about
developing new insights into the influence religious communication
has on political outcomes.
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