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Does the increasing prominence of Asia also mark a new era for
human rights in the region? This timely book uncovers the political
drivers behind both recent regional and country-based changes to
the recognition, promotion, and protection of rights. Human Rights
in Asia focuses on the relationships between political regimes,
institutions and cultures, and external actors, such as
international organizations, NGOs, and business. The contributing
authors provide important discussions on Burma, Cambodia, China,
India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore, Thailand, and the
Phillipines. Thematic chapters then go on to frame these
individually focused contributions, by examining the international
pressure to 'normalize' rights regimes, and the relationship
between Islam and rights in the region. Providing a unique
combination of country-specific and thematic analysis, this book
will be a fascinating and beneficial read for postgraduate and
undergraduate students in human rights and international relations,
as well as scholars in politics, human rights, international
relations and government and NGO analysts. Contributors include:
M.K. Connors, T.W.D. Davis, M. Ford, B. Galligan, A. Kent, A.
McGregor, T. Milner, R.C. Pangalangan, S. Peou, G. Rodan, A. Saeed,
R. Samaddar
Until now there have been few attempts to examine the different
models of federalism appropriate in Asia, let alone to trace the
extent to which these different perspectives are compatible,
converging, or mutually influencing each other. This book redresses
the balance by demonstrating the varieties of Asian federalism.
Federalism in Asia explores the range of theoretical perspectives
that shape debates over federalism in general, and over
territorial, multinational, hybrid, and asymmetric federalism in
particular relation to Asia. The contributors share their
understanding of how federal or quasi-federal institutions manage
ethnic conflicts and accommodate differences, how democratization
facilitates the development of federalism and how federalism
facilitates or inhibits democratization in Asia. Their conclusion
is that hybrid federalism or quasi-federalism is more prevalent in
some Asian countries than others; and the need and potential for
greater federalism in more Asian countries makes this sortie into
this area worthwhile. While federalism is relevant to Asia, the
working pattern of Asian federalism does not necessarily follow a
Western style. Hybrid federal institutional design can be seen as
an Asian strategy of managing ethnic conflicts through federal
arrangements. This unique book will be of great interest to a wide
range of scholars and researchers who work on issues of federalism,
political economy, public policy, ethnic relations, cultural
diversity and democratization in the Asian region. Policymakers and
activists dealing with issues of minority rights and ethnic
conflict in the region, government officials and NGOs within Asia,
and officials in international agencies and organizations will also
find much to engage them.
Until now there have been few attempts to examine the different
models of federalism appropriate in Asia, let alone to trace the
extent to which these different perspectives are compatible,
converging, or mutually influencing each other. This book redresses
the balance by demonstrating the varieties of Asian federalism.
Federalism in Asia explores the range of theoretical perspectives
that shape debates over federalism in general, and over
territorial, multinational, hybrid, and asymmetric federalism in
particular relation to Asia. The contributors share their
understanding of how federal or quasi-federal institutions manage
ethnic conflicts and accommodate differences, how democratization
facilitates the development of federalism and how federalism
facilitates or inhibits democratization in Asia. Their conclusion
is that hybrid federalism or quasi-federalism is more prevalent in
some Asian countries than others; and the need and potential for
greater federalism in more Asian countries makes this sortie into
this area worthwhile. While federalism is relevant to Asia, the
working pattern of Asian federalism does not necessarily follow a
Western style. Hybrid federal institutional design can be seen as
an Asian strategy of managing ethnic conflicts through federal
arrangements. This unique book will be of great interest to a wide
range of scholars and researchers who work on issues of federalism,
political economy, public policy, ethnic relations, cultural
diversity and democratization in the Asian region. Policymakers and
activists dealing with issues of minority rights and ethnic
conflict in the region, government officials and NGOs within Asia,
and officials in international agencies and organizations will also
find much to engage them.
The year 2013 is the 40th anniversary of the end of the 'White
Australia policy'. In these four decades Australia's immigration
policy has shifted from a primary concern with cultural homogeneity
or Britishness to a focus on demand-based skills through an
increasingly fine-tuned system of points tests, occupation lists
and employer-sponsored visas. Despite disproportionate
politicisation of asylum seekers in recent public discourse, the
intake of refugees and humanitarian entrants has remained
relatively small. While Australia's contemporary migrant and
refugee intake is truly multicultural, and governments continue to
adhere to an official multicultural policy, integration into the
Australian community and culture has been the dominant process,
especially for second and third generation Australians. Australian
identity and citizenship have changed in the last forty years,
making Australia and its people more pluralistic and richly
diverse. Becoming Australian focuses on the ways in which migrants
and refugees meet the challenges of 'becoming Australian' and the
transformative process for Australia and its people as they
incorporate the continuing influx of multicultural peoples.
The year 2013 is the 40th anniversary of the end of the 'White
Australia policy'. In these four decades Australia's immigration
policy has shifted from a primary concern with cultural homogeneity
or Britishness to a focus on demand-based skills through an
increasingly fine-tuned system of points tests, occupation lists
and employer-sponsored visas. Despite disproportionate
politicisation of asylum seekers in recent public discourse, the
intake of refugees and humanitarian entrants has remained
relatively small. While Australia's contemporary migrant and
refugee intake is truly multicultural, and governments continue to
adhere to an official multicultural policy, integration into the
Australian community and culture has been the dominant process,
especially for second and third generation Australians. Australian
identity and citizenship have changed in the last forty years,
making Australia and its people more pluralistic and richly
diverse. Becoming Australian focuses on the ways in which migrants
and refugees meet the challenges of 'becoming Australian' and the
transformative process for Australia and its people as they
incorporate the continuing influx of multicultural peoples.
This is the first comprehensive study of the ways in which Aborigines and Torres Strait Islanders have been excluded from the rights of Australian citizenship over the past 100 years. Drawing extensively on archival material, the authors look at how the colonies initiated a policy of exclusion that was then replicated by the Commonwealth and State governments following federation. The book includes careful examination of government policies and practice from the 1880s to the 1990s. It argues that there was never any constitutional reason why Aborigines could not be granted full citizenship.
This is the first comprehensive study of the ways in which Aborigines and Torres Strait Islanders have been excluded from the rights of Australian citizenship over the past 100 years. Drawing extensively on archival material, the authors look at how the colonies initiated a policy of exclusion that was then replicated by the Commonwealth and State governments following federation. The book includes careful examination of government policies and practice from the 1880s to the 1990s. It argues that there was never any constitutional reason why Aborigines could not be granted full citizenship.
This edited volume is a comprehensive examination of the legal
framework in which environmental policy is fashioned in the major
English-speaking federations-the United States, Canada, and
Australia. The need for national solutions to environmental
problems emerged long after the largest share of governmental power
was allotted to states or provinces. This volume attempts to solve
the paradox of how a country can have effective laws protecting the
environment, vigorously enforced, when legislative and
administrative powers are divided between two tiers of government.
The contributors analyze environmental lawmaking along three
dimensions. Part I describes the formal constitutional allocation
of powers between states or provinces and the federal government,
concluding that on paper environmental protection is essentially a
local responsibility, although the reality is far different. In
Part II the contributors explore the extent to which governments
resort to informal negotiations among themselves to resolve
environmental disputes. Part III is a thorough canvassing of the
judiciary's role in making environmental policy and resolving
disputes between levels and branches of government. In Australia
and Canada, the courts play a relatively less important role in
formulating policy than in the United States. In conclusion, the
work shows that the level of environmental protection is relatively
high in these three federations. Environmental politics, the work
suggests, may be less divisive in federations than in unitary
systems with comparable levels of development.
This provocative book argues that Australia is already a federal republic rather than a constitutional monarchy. While the book does not deny the parliamentary and monarchic elements of the Australian system, it calls for a positive reassessment of the constitution. Brian Galligan forcefully argues that the Australian constitution has primacy over the other political institutions of the nation. The book considers fundamental issues such as the role of the Senate, the possibility of a bill of rights, the way in which the High Court fits into the current system, and the nature of intergovernmental relations. This book will overturn the orthodoxies of much informed opinion, and will challenge republicans and monarchists alike. Brian Galligan’s unique perspective as a political scientist throws new light on many constitutional aspects of federalism and will stimulate wide debate.
Conventions are fundamental to the constitutional systems of
parliamentary democracies. Unlike the United States which adopted a
republican form of government, with a full separation of powers,
codified constitutional structures and limitations for executive
and legislative institutions and actors, Britain and subsequently
Canada, Australia and New Zealand have relied on conventions to
perform similar functions. The rise of new political actors has
disrupted the stability of the two-party system, and in seeking
power the new players are challenging existing practices.
Conventions that govern constitutional arrangements in Britain and
New Zealand, and the executive in Canada and Australia, are
changing to accommodate these and other challenges of modern
governance. In Westminster democracies, constitutional conventions
provide the rules for forming government; they precede law and make
law-making possible. This prior and more fundamental realm of
government formation and law making is shaped and structured by
conventions.
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Paperback
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R398
R330
Discovery Miles 3 300
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