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British Somaliland provides a history of the administration of the
British Somaliland Protectorate from the time when Somaliland first
became governable, following the defeat of Abdullah Hassan, to
independence. Describing the interplay between general imperial
policies, and greater realities and developments in Somaliland, the
focus of the book remains on the mechanism by which the
Protectorate was operated. The regime that developed was, in the
end, a highly autocratic despotism, generally benign but
occasionally predatory. Independence, when it arrived, was, in
retrospect, a tragedy. Somaliland was absorbed into Somalia and a
governmental style which suited the conditions of the Protectorate
was dissolved into something very different. Since the collapse of
Somalia, re-emergent Somaliland appears to be attempting to
re-connect to a past remembered as something of a golden age.
Highly topical, as Somaliland is re-emerging, this book is an
invaluable resource for students and scholars of African History,
Imperial History and British History.
The author argues that the way the British Government managed
dissent during World War I is important for understanding the way
that the war ended. He argues that, from humble beginings in 1914,
a comprehensive and effective system of suppression had been
developed by the war's end in 1918, with a still greater level of
suppression prepared but not implemented. The general
characteristics of the system of dissent manage ment were that it
was incremental, growing in proportion to the degree of apprehended
threat to the war effort; it never became more repressive than a
working consensus of the population was prepared to tolerate; and
it was calculated to be effective against the particular nature of
British anti-war dissent.
The author argues that the way the British Government managed
dissent during World War I is important for understanding the way
that the war ended. He argues that, from humble beginings in 1914,
a comprehensive and effective system of suppression had been
developed by the war's end in 1918, with a still greater level of
suppression prepared but not implemented. The general
characteristics of the system of dissent manage ment were that it
was incremental, growing in proportion to the degree of apprehended
threat to the war effort; it never became more repressive than a
working consensus of the population was prepared to tolerate; and
it was calculated to be effective against the particular nature of
British anti-war dissent.
This analysis of Britains war policy during the last years of the
Great War argues that it was strongly affected by a mood of
pessimism. The policy was revised after the defeats suffered by the
allies in 1917, so much so that Britain almost "tumbled into peace"
the following year.
This analysis of British war policy considers alterations to the
grand strategy during the last years of World War I. The argument
is that war policy in this period was strongly affected by
pessimism, even defeatism. In the aftermath of the defeats and
disappointments of 1917, many could understand how the war could be
lost, less how victory could be achieved. By the end of 1917, war
policy had been revised so that it aimed less to win the war
outright than to bring Germany to the conference table in a less
exultant mood, whilst laying the bases for a peripheral war,
essentially victorious on the continent, either in the last stages
of World War I or during the ancicipated World War II. The major
feature of this revised policy was that the focus of the war was to
be shifted to the Eastern stage. It was hoped that Britain would be
able to gain victories here to off-set Germany's conquests in
Europe, and the jump-off points for periperal war. It was not
believed that peace could be achieved before 1919. When, therefore,
Britain tumbled into peace in 1918, policies had been undertaken in
the East which were to have profound consequences.
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